Report on the traditions of the peoples of Siberia. Sibiryak: Values ​​and traditions

Report of students of study group F-1211

Ivanova P.

Shkarupa V.

Manakova M

on topic: “Traditions of the Siberians”

Teacher: Barsukovskaya N.M.

Barnaul


Traditions of Siberians

The ritual of the Russian wedding, born in ancient times, was brought to Siberia, but, while maintaining the main plot and structural components, it underwent certain changes.

Wedding customs:

Handshake;

Bachelorette party (bachelor party);

Bride kidnapping;

Matchmaking;

Blessings from the bride's parents to the newlyweds.


Traditions of Siberians

Birth of a baby

Unlike “Russian” customs (“to protect the child from harm”) in Siberia, all relatives, friends, and parents were notified of the birth of a baby.

Customs:

If health permitted, the parent was certainly taken to the bathhouse every other day. Siberians used to say: “Banka is a second mother.” After the bath, they were given a decoction of berries, weak beer with raisins, prunes, and ginger. The mother was fed whole millet porridge with raisins.

Silver coins were placed in the water in which the baby was bathed, which the midwife then took for herself.

After 3-4 months, the baby began to be fed with cow's milk, which was poured into a horn.


Traditions of Siberians

"Help"

In cases where a peasant family could not cope with a large task alone, it invited everyone to help. The family prepared food and everything needed for collective work in advance.

A canvas tablecloth was used after work even in poor houses. They even laid out the tablecloth just for one potato.

Be sure to eat cabbage soup.

Dropping and not picking up a piece of bread was considered a sin, leaving it uneaten, and leaving the table early was also not allowed.

Maintaining time between breakfast, lunch, lunch and dinner.


Traditions of Siberians

Entering a new home

Signs associated with moving and home have now lost a little of their relevance, and many no longer remember the traditions and customs of our distant ancestors associated specifically with signs and a new home.

They let the cat into the house.

A horseshoe is hung above the front door.

A knife is placed under the threshold.

When entering a house, you need to throw a few silver coins on the floor.

After moving in, clean the new apartment.

Celebrate housewarming.


Traditions of Siberians

The oldest Christian holiday, the main holiday of the liturgical year. Established in honor of the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Currently, its date in each specific year is calculated according to the lunisolar calendar.

Starting from Easter night and the next forty days (before Easter is celebrated), it is customary to christen, that is, greet each other with the words: “Christ is risen!” - “Truly Sunday!”, while kissing three times.

Easter streams.

Easter fire.

Easter cakes, eggs and bunnies.


Rituals of the Siberians

Maslenitsa is a week of joy

Monday - Maslenitsa meeting

Tuesday - fun games, ice slides

Wednesday - Gourmets

Thursday - take a walk - taking the snowy town

Friday - “To Mother-in-Law for Pancakes”

Saturday - Sister-in-law's gatherings

Sunday - “Farewell to Maslenitsa”


Rituals of the Siberians

Funeral

Particular attention is paid to signs. Explanations for the causes of death were varied. “When a cemetery is enlarged, there are more dead people that year.” “If you bury a person from your own village first in a new cemetery, there will be a pestilence on the people in that village.” If the deceased has one or both eyes open, then “he doesn’t want to go alone. At the same time they say: “He looks out, he will take something away, he will lead you.” In such cases, the deceased’s eyes are closed by placing a copper coin on them. The presence of many ritual features can be summarized. In Siberia, it was customary to place an icon not on the chest of the deceased, but in the head. The deceased was covered with linen or brocade. A cup of water was always placed on the table at the head of the room. “So that the soul can wash itself”


Rituals of the Siberians

“From the Tale of Bygone Years” (XII century); “I saw amazing things in the Slavic land on my way here. I saw wooden bathhouses and they would heat them up until they were red, and they would undress, and they would be naked, and they would douse themselves with leather kvass, and they would lift young rods on themselves, and they would beat themselves, and they would finish themselves off so badly that they would barely get out, barely alive, and they would douse themselves with cold water. .. And that’s the only way they live. And they do this every day, not tormented by anyone, but torment themselves, and then they perform ablution for themselves, and not torment.”


Rituals of the Siberians

Among the main traditions is the sacred veneration of nature. You can't harm nature. Catching or killing young birds. Cut down young trees near springs. No need to pick plants and flowers. You can't throw trash and spit. Leave traces of your presence behind, for example, overturned turf, debris, or an unextinguished fire. You cannot wash things at the source. One should not desecrate a holy place with bad words, thoughts or actions. You can't shout loudly or get very drunk. Particular respect must be shown to elders. You can't offend old people. Offending elders is the same sin as depriving a living creature of life. The respectful attitude towards the fire of one's hearth has been preserved from ancient customs. Fire is credited with a magical cleansing effect. Purification by fire was considered a necessary ritual so that guests would not create or bring any harm.

Rituals of the Siberians

Christening

Soon after childbirth, Siberian families performed the Orthodox baptismal ceremony. For this purpose, wealthy families invited a priest to their home, and most brought newborns to church for baptism on the Sunday following the birth. The godfather and godmother are appointed by the parents from among numerous relatives or close acquaintances. At baptism, parents rarely chose the child’s name themselves; most often this was left to the priest, who gave the child the name of the saint who was celebrated on the day of baptism. Even in business papers, a person was called not by a Christian name, but by a nickname, for example, Smirny, Spider, Shestak, Raspuga, Myasoed, Kabak, etc. Sometimes they had three nicknames and two baptized names - open and secret, known only to those closest to them. This was done to save from dashing people and from the evil eye. At the end of the baptismal ceremony, there was always a feast or just dinner. Millet porridge was served with milk, and on fasting days it was boiled in water. Lenten porridge was sprinkled with sugar. The guests drank wine and congratulated the father and mother on the birth of a child and christening. If the child was the first in the family (“first-born”), then often, making fun of the father, they would give him a spoonful of porridge with salt or pepper, saying that he should share his wife’s torment.

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS KALYM - price for a bride, one of the types of compensation for a wife. Among the forest Yukaghirs and the Chukchi and other peoples of the extreme Northeast, initially there were no-kalom marriages. The size of the dowry and the procedure for its payment were determined during negotiations during matchmaking. Most often, bride price was paid in the form of deer, copper or iron cauldrons, fabrics, and animal skins. With the development of commodity-money relations, part of the dowry could be paid in money. The size of the bride price depended on the property status of the families of the bride and groom.

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS Levirate is a marriage custom according to which a widow was obliged or had the right to marry the brother of her deceased husband. It was common among most peoples of the North. The right to the wife of the deceased older brother belonged to the younger brother, and not vice versa. Sororate is a marriage custom according to which a widower is obliged to marry the younger sister or niece of his deceased wife.

HOUSINGS The dwellings of peoples are classified based on different criteria: according to the materials of manufacture - wooden (from logs, boards, hewn posts, poles, chopped blocks, branches), bark (birch bark and from the bark of other trees - spruce, fir, larch), felt, from bones of sea animals, earthen, adobe, with wicker walls, and also covered with deer skins; in relation to the ground level - above-ground, underground (semi-dugouts and dugouts) and piles; according to the layout - quadrangular, round and polygonal; in shape - conical, gable, single-pitched, spherical, hemispherical, pyramidal and truncated pyramidal; by design - frame (made of vertical or inclined pillars, covered with skins, bark, felt).

CULT OF FIRE Fire, the main family shrine, was widely used in family rituals. They tried to constantly maintain the home. During migrations, the Evenks transported him in a bowler hat. The rules for handling fire were passed down from generation to generation. The fire of the hearth was protected from desecration, it was forbidden to throw garbage or pine cones into it (“so as not to cover my grandmother’s eyes with tar” - Evenks), to touch the fire with anything sharp, or to pour water into it. The veneration of fire also extended to objects that had long-term contact with it.

FOLK SIGNS OF THE EVENS v You cannot walk on fire. v 2. The fire of the fire cannot be stabbed or cut with sharp objects. If you do not observe and contradict these signs, then the fire will lose the power of its spirit. v 3. You cannot throw away your old clothes and things and leave them on the ground, but you must destroy things by burning them. If you do not follow these rules, then a person will always hear the crying of his things and clothes. v 4. If you take eggs from partridges, geese and ducks from a nest, be sure to leave two or three eggs in the nest. v 5. The remains of the spoils cannot be scattered in the place where you walk and live. v 6. In the family you should not swear and argue often, because the fire of your hearth may be offended and you will be unhappy.

CLOTHING The clothing of the peoples of the North is adapted to local climatic conditions and lifestyle. For its manufacture, local materials were used: skins of deer, seals, wild animals, dogs, birds (loons, swans, ducks), fish skins, and among the Yakuts also skins of cows and horses. Rovduga, a suede made from deer or elk skins, was widely used. They insulated their clothes with the fur of squirrels, foxes, arctic foxes, hares, lynxes, the Yakuts used beavers, and the Shors used sheep fur. The skins of domestic and wild reindeer, hunted in the taiga and tundra, played an extremely important role. In winter they wore double-layer or single-layer clothing made from deer skins, less often dog skins, in the summer they wore worn-out winter fur coats, parkas, malitsas, as well as clothes made from rovduga and fabrics.

ITELMENS Modern science considers the Itelmens to be very ancient inhabitants of Kamchatka, without answering exactly the question of when and where they came from. Since it is known that the Koryaks and Chukchi came here around 1200-1300, apparently fleeing from Genghis Khan, we can assume that the Itelmens appeared here earlier. Analyzing everyday life, the researcher finds analogies with the ancient Chinese. The final conclusion: the Itelmens once lived “outside China, in the steppes of Mongolia, below the Amur.” This is indicated by numerous similarities in the language of the Mongols and Itelmen, as well as physiological similarities. Most likely, the Itelmens once lived in the South Ural steppes, and were a Turkic tribe, perhaps with Mongoloid features, like today's Kalmyks, heavily Iranianized (under Scythian influence). It was the ancestors of the Itelmen who were the pygmies that Greek mythology speaks of. Hence the elements of Greek mythology among the Itelmens, hence several ancient coins found in Kamchatka.

YAKUTS For the first time, Russian industrialists entered Yakutia in the 20s of the 17th century. Following them, service people came here and began to explain to the local population, which caused resistance from the local nobility, who did not want to lose the right to exclusive exploitation of their relatives. In 1632, Beketov placed on the river. Lena prison In 1643, it was moved to a new location 70 versts from the old one and was named Yakutsk. But gradually the fight with the Russians stopped, because the Yakuts were convinced of the benefits of peaceful ties with the Russian population. By the middle of the 17th century, the entry of Yakutsk into the Russian state was basically completed.

BURYATS According to anthropological characteristics, the Buryats belong to the Central Asian type of the Mongoloid race. The ancient religion of the Buryats is shamanism. In the 17th century The Buryats comprised several tribal groups, the largest of which were the Bulagats, Ekhirits, Khorins and Khongodors. The rapprochement of the Buryat tribes with each other was historically due to the proximity of their culture and dialects, as well as the unification of the tribes after their entry into Russia. This process ended at the end of the 17th and 18th centuries. The basis of the Buryat economy was cattle breeding, semi-nomadic among the western tribes and nomadic among the eastern tribes; Hunting and fishing played some role in the economy.

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Rituals of the peoples of Siberia

1. Shokhmoylar ritual

rite Central Asian ritual marriage agriculture

One of the most important agricultural rituals is the ritual known as “shohmoylar” and associated with the beginning of plowing, when bulls harnessed to an omach (local plow) are brought to the fields. It is celebrated especially solemnly and cheerfully. Usually this day was appointed by the oldest and most experienced farmer (aksakal). According to the ideas of farmers, the shohmoylar ritual had to be performed only on Mondays, Wednesdays or Fridays, because these days are considered happy, bringing good luck. Mostly, bulls harnessed to the omach were taken to the fields at the beginning of Nowruz, but sometimes, if the soil was ready for plowing, depending on weather conditions, it was possible to take them out earlier, before Nowruz.

The entire population prepared for the Shokhmoylar celebrations in wealthy villages: each family prepared various dishes, flatbreads, patir and katlama (puff fried bread), bugirsak and pussik (ritual dishes). Before the start of the holiday, the place where it was held was swept and put in order, covered with felts and carpets, and a tablecloth was prepared with various dishes. After the entire village gathered, the aksakal gave a holiday blessing, expressing good wishes. Then the collected food was distributed to fellow villagers. The celebrations ended with the “Kush Chikarish” ritual, when two oxen harnessed to a plow were brought out onto the field, vegetable oil was applied to their horns, and ritual flat cakes (kulcha) were distributed to the respected elders of the village and other participants in the ritual, specially baked from last year’s last handful of grain. A piece of kulcha was also given to harnessed oxen. Lubricating the horns of animals with oil was due to the fact that it supposedly protected them from bad misfortunes and evil spirits. For the same purpose, oxen were fumigated with the smoke of medicinal herbs (isirik).

The first furrow was carried out by one of the most revered elders of the village, who had many children and grandchildren. To the best of his ability, he drove the harnessed horse across the field one, three or five times, i.e. an odd number of times, then, as a start, he took a handful of grain from last year’s harvest and scattered it across the arable field. So, having made the first furrow, the farmers return home and continue to feast. On the eve of the “Shohmoylar” celebration, before the start of plowing, rich farms held a feast (ziyofat) for relatives and friends with the participation of the clergy, where, in addition to refreshments, they read the peasant charter (risola) and other books, mainly of a religious nature.

2. Rite (ritual) of calling rain

One of the most important rituals associated with agriculture and cattle breeding and dating back to ancient times is the ritual of calling rain. As is known, the population of rain-fed lands and pastoral areas always needs rainwater from the onset of spring until the beginning of summer. The Uzbeks and other Central Asian peoples irrigated their lands with rainwater, and therefore sowed it with rain-fed seeds (lalmi or kairaki). When the year has little rain, agriculture is in danger. Therefore, in the spring, the local population annually held rituals to call for rain (sust Khotin, Chala Khotin).

This ritual was carried out on a certain day. However, according to the superstitious beliefs of farmers, this day had to coincide with the lucky day of the week. The first stage of the ritual began with organizational activities, for which capable organizers were selected from among ordinary officials or energetic community members who prepared everything necessary for the ritual. So, for example, among the Lokai Uzbeks, specifically for the ritual celebration, it was necessary to prepare one pumpkin for water, two reed tubes, two turtles, one donkey and a bag (khurjun) for collecting alms. The most important element - in the middle of the garden, a wooden effigy of an old woman dressed in a woman's dress was displayed. It should be noted, however, that the “sust hotin” ritual had specific features in each area based on the nature of the participants, their gender and age, and some other elements.

The ritual of calling rain was most widespread in Jizzakh, Surkhandarya and Kashkadarya, where there were many rain-fed lands. According to the folk scenario, on the day of the ritual, at the scheduled time, ten to fifteen women put an old woman’s dress on a specially prepared effigy, one of the women took it in her hands and, leading the other women, walked around all the courtyards of the village or mahalla, singing the couplets “Sust Khotin”. The owner of each house happily greeted the participants in the procession, doused the scarecrow with water and, if possible, distributed gifts. The ritual song expressed the wish for a good grain harvest, joy for the owners of the house, abundance and a happy life for the people, and most importantly, they asked “Sust Khotin” to bestow the earth with abundant rain. It says:

May it be a fruitful year, Sust Khotin,

The farmer's house will be filled with grain, Sust Khotin,

Give them more rain, Sust Khotin,

Ruin goes to bad people, Sust Khotin,

Feed the people to their full, Sust Khotin!

According to ethnographic data, until the middle of the last century, the “Sust Khotin” ritual was carried out every spring, sometimes even two or three times a year. In the village of Kallik, Shurchinsky district and villages in its district, among the Uzbek Lokais of Southern Tajikistan, this ritual was performed mainly by men. For the procession, instead of a scarecrow, one of the men was dressed in women's clothing.

The Lokai procession involved 15-20 people, of whom two scantily clad men were put on a donkey backwards, and between them two turtles tied by the paws were hung. One of these men held a pumpkin for water, the other held reed tubes, which, when the pumpkin rotated, made a sound that supposedly came from exhausted turtles. The rest of the participants, walking behind the donkey, sang “Sust Khotin” and walked around the courtyards of the village. The owners poured water on the donkey riders and then presented them with gifts. The gifts mainly consisted of cakes, grains and sweets. Sometimes they even gave livestock - a cow or a horse, as well as money - depending on the wealth of the owner.

In the Karakul and Alat districts of the Bukhara region, the ritual of calling rain, depending on the conditions of a particular area, had a unique character (chala khotin). And here its participants walked around the courtyards of the village or mahalla with a wooden effigy in their hands and collected alms. Following the procession, five or six guys carried a scarecrow, asking the Almighty (tangri) to give rain and singing the song “Chala Khotin”:

Loves Chala Khotin,

Respects Chala Khotin,

I am my mother's firstborn, because

I ask for rain.

If God willing, let it rain with all its might.

Loves Chala Khotin,

Respects Chala Khotin.

After the completion of the ritual procession, all the collected gifts are treated to fellow villagers or residents of the mahalla. Usually the treat is organized at the makhalla guzar or in the lap of nature.

According to archaeologists and ethnographers, from ancient times, many peoples, including the ancestors of the Uzbeks, had a custom of symbolically depicting gods or saints in the form of sculptures, dolls or stuffed animals, which were worshiped and dedicated to various ceremonies. The rite of calling rain “Sust Khotin” ended with the symbolic image of a female image being burned or thrown into a well, which indicates the existence of a custom of sacrifice among our distant ancestors.

According to ethnographic data, it is well known that until recently living people were sacrificed in order to appease the Almighty. So, in the Khiva Khanate they followed this custom during floods or the overflow of the Amu Darya, and the Indians of Central America annually sacrificed young beautiful girls to the gods, who were prepared for this in advance. Subsequently, this barbaric custom was changed: instead of a person, they began to sacrifice an animal, as clearly evidenced by the legend about the son of Ibrahim (Abraham) - Ismail.

3. Ritual of summoning the wind

The ritual of calling the wind or stopping it has been known since the era of matriarchy. Until recently, the peoples of Siberia deified the wind, likening it to a stone man, and sacrificed large stones and rocks to appease it, cause or stop the wind. According to the beliefs of some peoples, the wind is created by a woman with miraculous power. The Uzbeks of the Fergana Valley were sure that the wind was born in a cave, the patron of which was a creature in the form of an old woman.

The Uzbeks of Southern Kazakhstan have preserved a ritual known as “Choi momo”. The famous ethnographer A. Divaev gave a brief account of this ritual at the beginning of the century. According to his description, in the summer, especially when grain crops ripen, a strong wind arises, which causes great damage to wheat, millet, barley and other grains. To prevent the loss of the harvest, several elderly women, having smeared their faces with soot, “ridden” the long pestle of the mortar like a horse, and taking in their hands a twig hung with colorful rags, neighed loudly, like a horse, and sang the song “Choy momo.” Residents of the village or mahallas presented gifts to the ceremony participants.

According to some authors, “Choy momo” is an old Turkic ceremony, and its name is a distorted form of the word “chal”, meaning wind. Apparently, the ritual was originally called “chal momo,” which in Uzbek should have sounded like “shamol momo.” A. Divaev also suggests that “choy momo” as a distorted name “chal”, meaning “old gray-haired man,” can be translated as “kari momo” (old woman), but he does not describe the ceremony itself.

Noteworthy is the description of the “Choi Momo” ritual by the famous folklorist B. Sarymsakov based on the material he collected from the Sairam Uzbeks from Southern Kazakhstan. Two old women, dressed in old clothes and smearing their faces with soot, walked ahead of the ceremony participants with a staff in their hand, singing the song “Choi Momo.” The old women were followed by five adult girls, covering their heads with a red shalcha (a small homespun rug) and singing a ceremonial song. Behind them were boys of seven or eight years old, who were dragging a donkey with a large khurjun on its back, a long rolling pin or pestle and a soft broom tied together. So the participants of the procession walked through the village, going around every house and singing the song “Choi Momo”.

Each owner of the house was obliged, based on his capabilities, to allocate a share of wheat, flour, eggs, bread or money. Participants in the ceremony, having walked around the entire village for one or two days, prepared chalpaks (thin flatbreads fried in oil) from the collected alms, twelve of which were dedicated to the patron of the wind - buried in the ground or placed in a sacred place. The girls covered themselves with a shawl to prevent the wind from getting stronger. Sometimes the collected alms were sold at the market and the proceeds were used to buy livestock, which they then sacrificed to the wind. Ritual shurpa was cooked from the donated meat, which was treated to fellow villagers, and the remains were taken to a sacred place in the village, sacrificing them to the wind so that it would not be angry.

The organization and conduct of this ceremony was usually entrusted to women. The representation of the patroness of the winds in the form of a woman testified not only to the honorable role of women, but also to the preservation of elements of matriarchy in this community. The participation of five adult girls covered in a red shawl in the ceremony genetically refers to primitive matriarchal rites. The number of girls participating (five), the use of five objects and other elements of this ancient rite are also of a primitive magical nature. To this day, such elements of the ritual as jumping over a broom and touching it are considered magical.

The same importance is attached to individual elements of the “Choi Momo” ritual. This is evidenced by the content of the ritual song sung during the ceremony. Smearing the face with soot is also associated with magic. It is noteworthy that the ritual song contains not only an appeal to the patroness of the wind with a prayer to stop the strong storm, because at the same time ears and haystacks scatter, which worries people, but also a threat to her: “I will stop your storm” (buronni tindiraman) or “I will break your share" (emishingni sindiraman). The song ends with a request to relatives (fellow villagers) to be generous in order to appease the raging wind.

Summoning the wind or calming it through ritual ceremonies is performed not only in the summer, when the harvest is ripe, but also in the fall, during sudden changes in weather, especially during the grain harvest.

4. Ritual of oblo baraka

Holidays and rituals associated with the summer season and of a social nature were usually held during the ripening period of the harvest, when it was abundant or early ripening, in preparation for winter, etc. Preparation for winter, associated with the preparation of food, caring for clothes and shoes, housing and household utensils, also found its expression in various rituals and holidays. One of these rituals is mowing the last ear of wheat. The Uzbeks called this custom “Oblo baraka” (Syr Darya, Galla-Aral region). In Khorezm, after mowing the last ear of corn, a piece of dry clay was placed on the khirman - this ritual is called “Baraka kesagi” (lump of abundance). It was carried out with the participation of workers who helped harvest wheat.

It is known that the wonderful ancient tradition of hashar (mutual assistance) is also of a social nature. Khashar, first of all, concerns relatives and friends, fellow residents and friends participating in community work - building a house, cleaning ditches and houses, digging and cleaning a well, harvesting, etc. In the life of farmers, harvesting is considered the most important and responsible event, and therefore, in order not to jinx the harvest, rituals associated with various superstitions are held. The Uzbeks, as already noted, before the start of the harvest not only attached importance to signs, but also made sacrifices.

The khashar was especially solemn and cheerful when cleaning or harvesting on communal or waqf lands. On these lands, all work, from plowing and cultivating the land to harvesting, was carried out free of charge using the hashar method. For example, in the Bukhara Emirate, 24.6% of the sown area was waqf, mainly grains were sown on them, and the fields were cultivated and harvested by hashar. In many village mahallas, the harvest was also carried out using the hashar method with the participation of residents and fellow villagers.

According to the ritual “Oblo baraka” (God’s abundance), carried out during the harvest with the participation of hasharchi, at the end of the work, a small piece of an unharvested field was left, where all participants in the harvest rushed. Each of them, having reached the end of the harvested field, said: “I’ve reached, I’ve reached, I’ve reached, oblo baraka” (etdim, etdim, etdim, oblo baraka) - and took the last mown ears of wheat home, leaving the grains until spring sowing.

When the sowing period began, part of the grain was ground, and cakes were baked from this flour, and the second half was left for new sowing. The bread (patir) baked in the tandoor was carried to the field and distributed to the plowmen who were preparing the land for sowing.

5. Ceremony of initiation of students into masters

One of the ancient rituals that has partially survived to this day and has a social meaning is the ceremony of initiating students into masters. This tradition is rooted mainly in craft production. In form and content it was almost the same in all branches of craft.

In accordance with this tradition, children aged 8-10, sometimes 6-7 years old, were apprenticed to a master in one specialty or another. The boy’s father, bringing the student to the master, said: “The meat is yours, the bones are ours,” which meant - I give him at the master’s full disposal so that he can be trained as a specialist, as long as he is healthy (i.e., the meat will grow, as long as there are bones) are intact, which means that the student can be severely punished - beaten and scolded). When the training was completed, the student (shogird) was obliged to receive the blessing of his master, for which a special initiation ceremony (fotiha ziyofati) was held with the participation of the aksakal and masters.

The ceremony took place in the student's house, and if he was homeless or an orphan, in the master's house at the latter's expense. During the ritual, the guild regulations (risola) and religious books were read, for which a mullah and sometimes musicians were invited. After the ritual meal, the master, at the suggestion of the head of the workshop (kalantar), gave a blessing with good parting words.

At the end of the ceremony, the master presented his student with the tools necessary for work, and the student, in turn, as a sign of gratitude, presented the master and kalantar with a chapan and other gifts. Shogird, addressing his master at the end of the ceremony, said the following: “Usto, you taught me, fed me, clothed me, gave me money, bread and salt, are you satisfied with me?” The mentor answered him: “I was demanding, punished and scolded when you were guilty, but you were not offended?” When both expressed their satisfaction, the ritual ended and the participants dispersed.

6. Yasa-Yusun ritual

Also worthy of attention is the ancient ritual carried out among the pastoral population of mainly Southern Uzbekistan, known as “Yasa-Yusun”.

This ritual, according to historians, until the 17th century. was also known as the ritual of eating kumys (?umishurlik marosimi). Subsequently, this drink was replaced by another - buza, made from millet and blackberries, the use of which was also accompanied by a certain ritual (“buzakhurlik”). Among the Uzbeks, the Yasa-Yusun ritual was also known under other names. So, in the Tashkent and Fergana valleys - “buzakhurlik”, in Bukhara, Samarkand, Turkestan and in the Sairam region - “kuna utirishlari”, etc.

“Buzakhurlik” parties were held with 30-40 people in special rooms - guest rooms ("sherda") - by joint efforts or by each participant individually once a week. Traditional parties led by the chairman of the sherdabi or rais with his two deputies (chap va ung otali?lari) and the host of the guest house (eshik ogasi) were held according to strict custom. The party was served, in addition to the biy and his deputy (active organizers), by the executors of orders - yasauls, as well as the one who poured “buza soiy” - something like a toastmaster (kosagul).

Complete and unquestioning obedience to the orders of the toastmaster and all the rules of the sherd was mandatory: when serving buza, you must take a certain pose and drink the served cup to the end, but not to the point of intoxication (i.e., do not be drunk), you cannot leave the party without the permission of the biy or eshik ogashi and etc. During the ritual, its participants sing songs dedicated to buza, praise the producers of the drink, make jokes and have fun. The main content of the "sherda" party consisted of conversations on various topics and other entertainment. Thus, in one of the popular songs performed at a party dedicated to buza, to the accompaniment of a tambourine (childirm), the following sounded:

The true father of buza is millet and blackberries.

In a drinking house you should have fun and smile at those

Who brought you to this establishment?

The more you drink buza, the more pleasure you get.

Would it be bad if God created everyone equal?!

Someone is given the throne and wealth,

Some people spend their entire lives in poverty.

If you give someone power and pleasure,

Will you go broke if you give us a gift?

As you can see, the song speaks not only about the pleasure of drinking buza, but also raises a social problem - the presence of rich and poor in society. Such songs were performed by a singer who held a glass of intoxicating drink in one hand and a tambourine in the other, to the accompaniment of which he sang. In the villages of Karnok and Sairam of Turkestan, during the ritual, such socially charged songs were performed, known as “kunalar”, “ha??onalar”, in some areas they were known as “the song of the Buzagars” (buzagarlar?ўshi?i). According to researchers, the ritual songs performed during the ceremony, both in content and style, were basically the same. Subsequently, when special drinking establishments began to appear in cities, the “buzakhurlik” ritual was completely forgotten among the Uzbeks and was preserved only in the memory of old people.

7. Navruz holiday

Since ancient times, the peoples of Western and Central Asia, including the Uzbeks, have very solemnly celebrated the holiday of Navruz (New Year). This holiday was associated with the agricultural calendar, according to which in the northern hemisphere the spring equinox fell on March 20-21, marking the awakening of nature, when all living things on earth, trees and plants, begin to come to life. The beginning of such a renewal coincided with the first day of the month of the solar calendar Shamsia (March 21), and therefore it was called Navruz (new day). The great thinker Beruni, who began this chronology from the first month of Farvardin, writes the following: “Navruz is the first day of the new year and in Persian it means this.”

In ancient times, according to the chronology of the Iranians, Navruz according to the zodiac sign corresponded to the spring equinox, when the Sun enters the constellation at the beginning of the month of Saraton. This happens from the first spring rains until the flowers open and green sprouts appear. Therefore, Navruz echoes the creation of the Universe and the beginning of earthly life. Beruni’s contemporaries, the great thinkers Mahmud Kashgari and Omar Khayyam, also left their notes about Navruz. Their works note not only the compliance of this holiday with the laws of nature, but also provide interesting information about the rites, signs and rituals associated with it. For example, according to Beruni, according to the instructions of the afsunlar (sorcerer), if on the first day of Navruz at dawn, before pronouncing the word, you consume three spoons of honey and light three pieces of wax, you can get rid of all diseases. Another sign: whoever eats a little sugar at dawn before prayer on Nowruz and smears himself with olive oil (zaytun yogi) will not be affected by any disease throughout the year. Speaking about this holiday, Beruni writes: “The Iranians had a custom of giving each other sugar on the days of Nowruz, because, according to the stories of the priest of Baghdad Azarbad, sugar cane appears in the country of Jamshid on the days of Nowruz.”

Mahmud of Kashgar also associated Navruz with “muchal” - after the name of animals, therefore called the twelve-year animal cycle of chronology. He gives examples of folk songs dedicated to spring and performed during the celebration of Nowruz. In one of the legends cited by him and associated with Navruz, the names of animals are mentioned in accordance with the twelve-year cycle (muchal). The scientist writes: “The Turks suggest that each year of the animal cycle has its own hidden meaning. For example, in their opinion, if a year is called the year of the cow, then this year there will be many wars because cows butt among themselves. If it is the year of the chicken, there will be an abundance of food, but there will also be more worries, because the chicken eats grain and, in order to get it, constantly pecks everywhere. It will be rainy in the year of the crocodile, because it lives in water. If the year of the pig comes, it will be cold, a lot of snow, turmoil and intrigue... Non-nomadic people and non-Turks divide the year into four seasons, each with its own name. Every three months are named separately. For example, the first three months after the onset of the new year were called the early spring month, because at this time the full moon occurs. The beginning of Nowruz was considered the early season of the year, and subsequent seasons were determined in accordance with the laws of nature and the state of the constellations (moon and sun).”

In ancient Central Asia and Iran, Navruz was celebrated not only as a national holiday, but also as a state holiday. According to historical data, people were divided into castes (social groups), and since Navruz lasted a whole month, each group was allocated five days, i.e. individual social strata celebrated Navruz on the days allotted to them. For example, in ancient Iran first five days were royal second five-day period was reserved for aristocrats third- servants of kings and high clergy. The king opened the holiday on the first five-day period, calling on his subjects to respect each other and be kind. Second day the king dedicated to receiving farmers and representatives of the aristocracy, in third day received horsemen and high clergy (mobed), fourth- their children, descendants and ordinary subjects. Sixth day was considered the main holiday and was called “Big Navruz”. During the reign of the Sasanians, the Khorezmians and Sogdians declared other national holidays along with Navruz as state holidays.

In the works of Beruni, Omar Khayyam’s “Navruzname” and other sources, there is information that during the celebration of Navruz they watered the ground, presented loved ones with gifts, rode on swings, distributed sweets (kangdolat), determined the seven-year harvest, performed ritual ablutions and bathing, and other rituals. On the day of Nowruz, bread made from flour of various grains - wheat, barley, millet, corn, peas, lentils, rice, sesame or beans - was placed on the royal tablecloth (dastarkhan). In the middle of the tablecloth they also placed shoots of seven types of trees (willow, olive, quince, pomegranate, etc.), seven white bowls and white dirhams or new dinars. A special dish was prepared for the king from white sugar and coconut with the addition of fresh milk and persimmons. And currently in Iran, during the celebration of Nowruz, seven dishes are placed on the tablecloth, the names of which begin with an Arabic letter. "With" (haftin). The table should also have had sour and fresh milk, dried suzma (kurt) in the form of balls and colored eggs, various fruits, nuts, pistachios, etc. The main holiday dish that has survived to this day is the ritual sumalak.

It is interesting to note that in ancient times, on the eve of Nowruz, according to legend, a cold snap occurred in the region (ozhiz kampir kunlari - days of the decrepit old woman). Among the peoples of Central Asia, including the Uzbeks, Guzha (dzhugara stew) was considered a New Year's ritual dish, in addition to sumalak. On holidays, trade revived in large bazaars; various dishes were prepared seasoned with mint, fresh onions, alfalfa sprouts and other herbs, as well as oriental sweets. The preparation of sumalak as a symbol of daily bread (rizk-ruz) and abundance required great skill. It was accompanied by songs, dances and other entertainment and games that lasted almost a day. Usually, the raw materials for preparing sumalak were collected all over the world. When the dish was ready, the contents of the common cauldron were distributed among all members of the community.

During the celebration of Navruz, there were mass celebrations (sayil), folk games, competitions, performances by singers and dancers, clowns (maskharaboz) and tightrope walkers. Based on the information of Omar Khayyam, it should be especially noted that for more than twenty-six centuries since Navruz appeared, during this holiday wars and mutual intrigues ceased, peace treaties were concluded, even funerals were postponed to other days. This holiday was so cheerful and joyful that on these days not only were magnificent celebrations held, but they also showed warmth and attention to the sick, visited relatives and friends, worshiped the graves of relatives and loved ones, expressing mutual trust and sympathy, and especially honored universal human values.

It is also worthy of attention that Navruz has many similarities with other spring holidays. According to ethnographers, the spring tulip festivals celebrated in Parkent, Samarkand and Khorezm (Lola Sayli, Sayli Gulsurkh, Kizil Gul) are in many ways reminiscent of Navruz Bayram. Such holidays were celebrated in Uzbekistan in the month of March (khamal), and the celebration lasted for a whole month. During this celebration (sayli), a large bazaar was opened, which moved from one village to another. Clowns (maskharaboz), tightrope walkers, singers, wrestlers performed on the market square, mutton, camel, cock and quail fights and other entertainment took place. Sometimes such competitions turned into fist fights, reminiscent of ancient phratrial confrontations between clan groups, elements of which have survived to this day. It is interesting to note that the participants in these entertainments, men and women, were all equal and free, at evening feasts they drank wine (musallas), walked, danced and had fun to the fullest. According to some researchers, the flower festivals (gul sayllari) lasted for a whole month, connecting with the main spring holiday of Navruz.

Uzbeks still have a custom associated with this great spring holiday: newborns are given the name Navruz. In the wonderful work of the Uzbek classic Lutfiy “Guli Navruz”, the son of Shah Farrukh, born on the days of the Navruz holiday, was named after him. And now in Samarkand, Surkhandarya, Kashkadarya, Bukhara regions, those born on the day of Navruz (mostly boys) are given this name, and in the Fergana region it is also assigned to girls.

It is interesting to note that until the recent past, depending on natural and climatic conditions, based on the traditional way of life and work experience, the local population distinguished between the seasonal folk calendars of farmers and shepherds. The dekhkan year began on March 21, when the earth softened and the plants came to life, and for the shepherds the beginning of the year was on March 16, when green sprouts appeared. From this time on, farmers begin active cultivation of the land, and pastoralists (chorvador) prepare to drive livestock to summer pastures.

Nowruz is an agricultural holiday, and preparations for it took place in parallel with events related to agriculture. To this day, with the beginning of Navruz, farmers begin field work: they plant trees and flowers in gardens and vegetable gardens, prepare fields for sowing, put agricultural technology and material resources in order, and prepare local fertilizers. In Uzbekistan, the most labor-intensive of all agricultural work carried out in early spring was the cleaning of canals and drainages filled with silt. Special attention was paid to this work, since it required significant effort: individual farms could not cope with it alone, and therefore it was carried out collectively, by the entire village or region, using the hashar folk method. At this time, in Surkhandarya, Kashkadarya and the Zarafshan Valley, the rite of “loy tutish” (supply of clay) was carried out, and in Khorezm - “kazuv marosimi” (cleaning of irrigation ditches). Thus, the “loy tutish” ritual consisted of the following: if someone passed by those engaged in cleaning, a piece of clay was given to him or a shovel was handed to him. This person had to take the clay to the site, clean a certain area of ​​the irrigation ditch or treat the diggers (“ziyofat berish”), etc. According to custom, if this person was a singer (bakhshi), he was obliged to perform in front of the hasharchi with his repertoire, if a wrestler, he was obliged to show his strength in wrestling, and if a blacksmith, he was obliged to make the appropriate instruments or repair them. If a passer-by was not able to fulfill these requirements, then he was assigned a certain section of the ditch, which he was obliged to clean and only after that could he be free. Khashar (kumak) was of a public nature, and therefore, according to natural law, it was not only mandatory, but also accompanied by various customs and rituals, and formed an important element of festive events.

The rituals of the Uzbek people have evolved over centuries as a result of a complex process of merging the cultural skills and traditions of all tribes and nationalities that participated in the ethnogenesis of the Uzbeks. They are very original, bright and diverse, going back to patriarchal tribal relations. A large number of rituals accompany family life and are associated with the birth and raising of a child, weddings, and funerals. A special role is played by rituals associated with the birth and upbringing of children (beshik-tuyi, khatna-kilish), and marriage. They often represent an interweaving of Islamic rituals with more ancient forms associated with magical practice. With the adoption of Islam, many family and everyday customs underwent its influence, and religious Muslim rituals entered the life of Uzbeks. Friday is considered a holiday, which is celebrated in the cathedral mosque with general namaz (prayer). Patriarchal customs continued to exist in public life, which was concentrated in the mosque, teahouse, and bazaar and in which exclusively the male population took part.

8. Beshik-tuyi ("wooden cradle")

Beshik-tuyi("woodencradle")- a ritual celebration associated with the first placement of a baby in a cradle. This is one of the most ancient and widespread rituals in Uzbekistan. Typically, such an event is held on the 7th, 9th, 11th day of the baby’s birth. In different areas, the ritual has its own characteristics and depends on the level of wealth in the family: rich families usually celebrate this event widely, and families with little income celebrate it modestly. The beshik (“cradle”) and the necessary supplies for the baby are provided by the relatives of the baby’s mother. Flatbreads, sweets and toys are wrapped in a dastarkhan (tablecloth). Gifts are prepared for the baby's parents and grandparents.

A richly decorated beshik, dastarkhans, gifts are loaded into a vehicle and, together with the guests, they go to the parents’ house to the sounds of surnay, karnay and tambourine. According to tradition, the brought beshik is first taken by the baby’s grandfather on his right shoulder, and then passed on to his son’s right shoulder, who then takes it to the baby’s mother.

In the past, to ensure that all the thoughts of guests were pure and good, their faces were coated with white flour. Guests are invited to the living room to a richly decorated dastarkhan (table). While the guests are eating, listening to musicians and having fun, in the next room, in the presence of old women, a ceremony is being held to swaddle the child and put him in the beshik. At the end of the ceremony, guests come to the baby to look at him, present him with gifts and sprinkle parvarda or sugar on the beshik. At this point the ceremony ends and the guests go home.

9. Khatna-kilish

Khatna-kilish- another ancient Uzbek rite, sanctified by Islam (Sunnat Tuyi). This ritual is performed for boys at 3, 5, 7, 9 years old, and in rare cases at 11-12 years old. The conduct of the Sunnat is controlled by the public. From the moment the boy is born, parents begin preparations for sunnat-tuyah, gradually acquiring everything they need. Several months before the ritual, which is often also called “wedding” (“tui”), immediate preparations for it begin. Relatives and neighbors help sew blankets and prepare wedding gifts. All this is entrusted to women with many children. Before the wedding, the Koran is read in the presence of elders from the mahalla, an imam from the mosque and relatives. The table is set, after which suras from the Koran are read, and the elders bless the boy. After this, the big “wedding” begins. Just before the “wedding”, gifts are given to the boy in the presence of neighbors, elders, and relatives. In the past, it was customary to give a foal, on which the boy was seated as a sign that from now on he was a man, a warrior. Everyone congratulates the boy and showers him with money and sweets, then all this continues on the women's side. On the same day, “tahurar” is carried out among women - placing blankets and pillows on the chest, which is usually done by a woman with many children. A rich meal, including pilaf, completes the ritual action. According to tradition, after pilaf in the evening, a large fire is lit in the yard, and around the fire people dance and play various games. The next day the celebration continues.

10. Fatiha-tuy

The wedding takes place with the permission and blessing of the parents and is carried out in several stages. When the son reaches adulthood, the parents begin to look for a suitable girl for him. Close relatives, neighbors, and friends are included in this process. Having found a girl, the maternal or paternal aunts come to the girl’s house under some pretext to look at her, get to know the parents and the home environment of the potential bride. After this, neighbors and acquaintances ask about the chosen girl’s family. In case of positive reviews, matchmakers are sent. One of the main procedures for matchmaking is "fatiha-tuy"(engagementorengagement). The matchmakers set the engagement day. On this day, famous old people in the area, the chairman of the mahalla, and girls gather in the girl’s house. After the intermediaries outline the goals of their coming, the ritual of “non sindirish” (literally “breaking a cake”) begins. From this moment on, the newlyweds are considered engaged. "Fatiha-tuy" ends with the appointment of the day of marriage and wedding. Each of the intermediaries is given a dastarkhan with two flatbreads and sweets, and gifts are also given from the girl to the groom and his parents. Upon the return of the intermediaries to the groom’s house, trays with gifts are taken from their hands and the ceremony of “sarpo kurar” (examination of gifts) begins. Dastarkhan is usually performed by a woman with many children. All those gathered are treated to cookies and sweets brought from the bride’s house. This ceremony completes the betrothal ritual. From the moment of “fatiha tui” until the wedding itself, the parents of the newlyweds resolve dowry issues and organizational issues related to the wedding celebration. A few days before the wedding, the girl had a ritual “kiz oshi” (hen party), to which the girl invites her relatives and friends.

11. Wedding ceremony

Weddingritual traditionally extremely important in the life of Uzbeks and is celebrated especially solemnly. Although there are common features, it has its own characteristics in various areas. The main point of the wedding ritual cycle is the transition of the bride from her parents' house to the groom's house. On the wedding day, a wedding pilaf is arranged in the girl’s house, which is prepared in the groom’s house and sent to the bride. The same pilaf is arranged in the groom’s house. On the wedding day, the imam of the mosque reads the “Khutbai Nikoh” (marriage prayer) to the newlyweds, after which the newlyweds are declared husband and wife before God. The imam explains to the young people the rights and responsibilities of husband and wife. On the wedding day, the bride puts sarpo (clothes and shoes donated for the wedding) on ​​the groom, after which the groom and his friends go to the bride’s parents to greet them. After returning, the bride and groom arrive with friends. Before going to the groom's house, the bride undergoes a farewell ceremony with her parents. She is accompanied by close friends. They sing songs (“Ulanlar” and “Yor-yor”). The wedding begins with the meeting of the bride at the groom's house. At the end of the wedding, the groom accompanies the bride to the door of the room reserved for the newlyweds. In the room, the bride is met by a "yanga" (usually a woman close to the bride), the bride changes clothes and prepares to meet the groom, behind a curtain ("gushanga"). After some time, the groom, accompanied by his friends, appears at the entrance to the room and, accompanied by a “yangi,” goes to the curtain, where the bride is waiting for him. To enter the bride, he must symbolically buy her from the “yanga”, for which a bargaining is organized. After this, the bride and groom are left alone for the night. Early in the morning the ceremony of “Kelin salomi” (greeting the bride) begins. At the beginning of the ceremony, the groom's parents, all close relatives, friends of the groom and closest neighbors gather in the courtyard. Everyone takes turns approaching the bride with wishes, gifts and blessings. The bride must greet everyone by bowing low to the waist. This is how the holiday ends and family life begins.

12. Morning pilaf

Ritual morningpilaf It is carried out during a wedding (“sunnat-tuyi” or marriage) and at funerals (after 20 days and a year from the date of death). Wedding organizers set the day and time for the morning pilaf, having previously agreed with the community of the mahalla or neighborhood committee. On this day, invitations are sent to relatives, neighbors and acquaintances. In the evening, the “sabzi tugrar” ritual is carried out - chopping carrots, which is usually attended by neighbors and close relatives. After the end of “sabzi tugrar” all participants are invited to the table. Usually, artists are also invited to “sabzi tugrar”. At the table during the meal, the elders distribute responsibilities among those present. Morning pilaf should be ready by the time the morning prayer ends - “bomdod namozi”, because the first guests should be its participants. By the time the morning prayer ends, the sounds of karnaya, surnaya and tambourine notify that the morning pilaf has begun. Guests are seated at tables, and after making a fotiha (wish), cakes and tea are served. Only after this is pilaf served in lyagans (large dishes) - one for two. After the meal, the lyagans are removed, the guests again perform fotiha and, having expressed gratitude to the host, leave. After they leave, the tables are quickly put in order to receive new guests. Morning pilaf usually lasts no more than one and a half to two hours. All this time, guest artists perform songs. After the end of the morning pilaf, the guests of honor are presented with gifts - usually chapans (national men's robes). Funeral pilaf differs from festive pilaf in that the guests, sitting at the tables, read suras from the Koran and remember the deceased. The meal also ends with the reading of surahs from the Koran. During the funeral pilaf, artists are not invited, and the tables are set more modestly than during the festive pilaf. It should be noted that the festive pilaf and funeral pilaf are served only by men.

13. Customs and rituals. Kalym. Karakalpakstan

In the north of the Kyzylkum desert, in Karakalpakstan, lives an ancient, courageous, beautiful and proud people - the Kipchaks. And, although they are called Karakalpaks, they have preserved the traditions of their people, dating back to distant prehistoric times. One of these traditions is bride price.

Kalym is a word of Turkic origin. An ancient pre-wedding custom. Kalym was common among many tribes and peoples of the world. Over the course of several centuries, this ritual has changed a lot, taking on a completely different meaning, different from the original one.

Until recently, it was believed that bride price was a ransom paid by the groom’s relatives for the bride and was compensation to her family for the loss of a female worker and the property that she brought to her husband’s family.

But this is only a superficial opinion. In fact, the ritual of bride price has a deep meaning and its roots go back to the distant past. Contemporaries interpret it as a relic of the past that poses a public danger. In its own way, this is a very smart and kind ritual.

It begins with the fact that, according to tradition, the horseman must first steal the bride. And so that the horseman does not confuse his beloved, through a friend he gives the bride a conventional symbol - a scarf. Of course, a hundred years ago such agreements could not have existed. He stole the bride - that's all! Now everyone in the village knows: since a horseman on horseback with friends appeared at the girl’s yard, it means there will be a wedding soon.

The abduction itself is an amazingly bright and beautiful custom that takes place, one might say, like a theatrical performance. Now the moon-faced beauty is stolen by mutual consent. The bride goes out to a secluded place, fortunately there is an endless sea of ​​dunes around, the groom with a couple of friends on horseback, picks her up at full gallop and takes her to his place. Groups of children accompany them, shouting and joking.

Today this is a breathtaking spectacle that attracts crowds of curious villagers, invited guests and tourists.

After the abduction, the groom brings the bride to his house. A ritual fire is lit at the gate, over which the bride must jump in order to cleanse herself and enter the house renewed. Stepping over fire is a tradition originating from the Massagetae and observed since the 5th-4th centuries BC. Women gather around the bride. They examine the young man’s chosen one, appreciating her beauty and youth.

The groom's mother, as a sign of agreement with her son's choice and with her good intentions, throws a clean, white scarf over the bride's head, thereby taking the girl under her wing.

The ritual of fumigating the yard and home with sacred smoke is very important. Dry issyryk - grass, according to legend, destroys everything unclean, and the bride enters the clean house of the groom.

Another touch of the bride's meeting is that the little girl takes the ring off her finger. From now on, she herself will prepare to become a bride and, when she gets married, she will give this ring to another, the same girl.

The bride, entering the house with bows, is seen off by a retinue of neighbors, relatives and simply curious people. In a room specially designated for her, the bride and her bridesmaids are hidden behind a screen - a chemyldyk. The curtain is a chemyldyk, it must be red, this is the tradition.

The bride will stay in her assigned room until the wedding. This place - behind the chimyldyk - symbolizes the beginning of her new life in a new home.

And this is done to test her character, instill discipline and recognize the customs of her distant ancestors.

And at this time, the matchmakers are preparing to meet with the bride’s side. Usually this is done by men - father, uncles and brothers.

Having discussed among themselves all the circumstances of their proposal, the matchmakers come to the house of the bride's father.

After the traditional introductory part, conversations about life, jokes and wishes for long and happy years, the matchmakers reveal to the owner the purpose of their visit and discuss the size of the “kalym”.

This is an important point. The parents of the bride and groom discuss how they can help the new family: where the young people will live, how many and what kind of animals each clan can give them for the farm.

If the agreement ends with mutual agreement, the owner of the house breaks off the first piece of flatbread - a symbol of life among the Turks - and eats it. And he passes the cake to the matchmakers. The flatbread goes around and each guest, breaking off a little, eats it, just like the owner of the house. This means something like signing a contract when both parties have come to an agreement.

Usually among the Kipchaks, the main elements of kalym were and remain domestic animals - camels, sheep, goats, cows. Very soon the yard of the bride’s father will be filled with “kalym” livestock.

And while the heads of the families “sign” the agreement, in the groom’s house all the relatives - distant and close - come to congratulate the newlyweds and bring them gifts and the most necessary things in everyday life.

And the parents give the young family everything they need for the household: dishes, carpets, blankets and help build housing.

This ritual has existed for many centuries. Today it takes different forms and the very original purpose of the ransom is gradually changing. But one bride price remains unchanged - the creation of a material basis for the birth of a new family.

The next morning, according to custom, a ritual of sacrifice is performed in the name of the well-being of the new family.

All residents of the village take part in preparations for the wedding.

Finally, the bride price ceremony ends with a wedding. Tears of joy are mixed with tears of sadness, the bright colors of national clothing are mixed into one unique canvas, the fun lasts for several days.

The culmination of the toya - wedding celebration is the opening of the bride's face for presentation to her relatives and guests. This ritual is called betashar. And then gifts for the bride pour in like from a cornucopia from all sides.

Kalym is like a beautiful fairy tale of the life of the Turkic peoples, which arose from the depths of centuries and has come down to the present day.

Posted on Allbest.ru

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Thus, the colonization of Siberia in the 17th – early 18th centuries. is predominantly agricultural. Moreover, its successes are inextricably linked with the development of agriculture. The Russian people, possessing vast agricultural experience, were able to adapt it to Siberia and create a new agriculture, higher in its level.

During the 17th century, two trends emerged in Siberia: the first, in the western and central Siberian regions, gravitated towards the establishment of a three-field system, the second, in the eastern region, towards a two-field system. The introduction of fallow and fallow systems into agriculture with the beginnings of a three-field system meant a qualitative leap in the development of the productive forces of Siberian arable farming. With the arrival of the Russians, agricultural crops typical of the central and northern parts of the Russian state were established in Siberia. These are, first of all, rye and oats. These crops were the only ones cultivated on the sovereign's tithe arable land. On sobean plows, the composition of crops was wider. Here, along with rye and oats, there is wheat, barley, spelt, egg, peas, millet and buckwheat. But even on soybean arable lands, rye, oats and barley remained the dominant crops.

In the 17th century sowing of industrial crops begins to be introduced. In 1668, by order of P.I. Godunov, sowing of hemp for the sovereign was introduced in Siberia. In addition to plowing the sow, peasants were given space for vegetable gardens.

The allotment of vegetable gardens was carried out simultaneously with the entire land management of the peasant, for example, in 1701, on April 16, “he was given at the Tushamskaya povost for a yard and a vegetable garden from empty parts of the land against his brothers the laborers.” There are three equivalent names for a vegetable garden - “vegetable gardens”, “vegetable gardens”, “vegetable” gardens. All vegetable gardens had a consumer purpose. There is absolutely no information about the procurement and sale of vegetables, and their prices. The state did not tax the peasants on any vegetable supplies. Mainly cabbage was cultivated in the gardens. Other vegetables were less common. This can be determined based on the herb claims. “There are a lot of garden vegetables, both in the city of Ilimsk and in the district: cabbage, carrots, beets, carrots, turnips, onions, garlic, cucumbers, pumpkin, beans, peas. And there are no more vegetables.”

For the entire period from the end of the 16th to the beginning of the 18th centuries. Cultivated fields appeared in 17 out of 20 Siberian districts. By the end of the 17th - beginning of the 18th centuries. centers of agriculture existed almost all the way from Verkhoturye to Yakutsk. The size and importance of these areas decreased as they moved away from the European part of the country - the further the area was, the less agricultural population it had and, accordingly, cultivable land. However, over time, there was an increase in the peasant population and cultivated lands with a gradual movement to the south to more favorable soil and climatic conditions. The first in importance was the Verkhoturye-Tobolsk region, the second was the Yenisei region. The areas with poor development of arable farming were the Tomsk, Kuznetsk and Lensky districts.

Thus, the development of Siberian agriculture in the 17th – early 18th centuries. characterized by obvious territorial unevenness. Some counties did not know agriculture, others took the first steps towards its development. Verkhoturye-Tobolsk and Yenisei regions in the 17th century. became the breadbaskets of Siberia and supplied other regions with surplus grain.

The uneven development of agriculture led to the formation of areas with marketable grain and areas without it. This, in turn, led to the formation of areas in need of grain subsidies and, accordingly, high grain prices and areas more or less self-sufficient in bread. The significant distance between the regions made intra-Siberian deliveries of grain difficult. Therefore, in Siberia, the purchase of grain by resellers with further resale to low-grain and grain-free regions developed.

By the 18th century Grain production in the grain-producing regions reached such a level that the population of the entire Siberia, developed by the Russian population, was satisfactorily supplied with bread, and supplies from European Russia were practically not required.

2. Clothing and material culture

In Western Siberia, the rational basis of Russian folk costume has been preserved. The clothes of peasants included 74 (66.0%) elements traditional for rural residents of Russia. The sundress complex with corresponding women's headdresses, the composition and method of wearing which was similar to those established in the European part of the country, played a leading role in the wardrobe of Western Siberian peasant women. The men's suit, its main elements - shirt and ports, outer fabric (zipun, armyak, shabur) and fur clothing (fur coat, sheepskin coat, sheepskin coat) were the same as throughout the entire territory inhabited by Russians. The Old Believers used the most ancient types of clothing in origin - epanechka, kuntysh, odnoryadka, ponitok, high men's hat, ubrus, pistons, which fell out of use in other regions of the country.

In the material culture of the Russian population of Western Siberia of the feudal period, some specific traditions of the places where settlers left were preserved. At the end of the 17th century. In the areas of initial development of the region, the inventories of peasants' property recorded the most ancient in origin, known in the Russian North, boxes, boxes for storing things. The names and structure demonstrate the genetic connection of “fixed” furniture (benches, beds, stands) in the dwellings of the population of Western Siberia and the Russian North. The diversity in the designation of objects with the same functions (towel - northern, towel - Tver, rukotert - Novgorod, Ryazan dialects) in the counties of the forest-steppe zone also speaks of the preservation of the traditions of the places where settlers left. In the old-timer villages in Altai, the “hut huts” that belonged to former residents of Southern Russia stood out, the walls of which were covered with clay and whitewashed on the outside and inside. Altai Old Believers painted and painted walls, ceilings and furniture in bright colors out of habit.

The wardrobe of West Siberian peasant women included 12 costume elements that had local existence in European Russia. The northern Russian complex includes dubas, navershnik, verkhnik, shamshura, cap; to Western Russian - andarak skirt, basting, sublingon; to the South Russian - cufflinks, half-shells. The bib was a characteristic detail of the outfit of the Ryazan settlers. The types of men's outerwear that spread in Western Siberia: azyam, chekmen, chapan - existed, respectively, in the northeast, eastern and southeastern provinces of Russia. The identified local forms of clothing confirm the preservation of the traditions of the places where settlers left in new conditions. This was due both to the functional correspondence of the previously used clothing, and to the desire to record the memory of the homeland in some iconic elements of women's costume. In general, the maintenance of Russian traditions in the material culture of peasants living in Western Siberia was facilitated by the creation of agricultural farming on this, as well as on the original, territory, the influx of immigrants from Russia, the development of trade relations and crafts, and the peculiarities of popular consciousness.

A significant factor determining the development of the material culture of the West Siberian peasantry was urban influence. Its origins are connected with the processes of initial settlement and development of the region. In the 17th century Agriculture was a primary and necessary element of the socio-economic structure of the Siberian city. Townspeople-farmers (servicemen, townspeople, peasants) became the founders and residents of the surrounding villages.

3. Construction

3.1 Home

The following observations testify to the commonality of cultural development in the territories inhabited by Russians at different times. In the 17th century in Siberia, methods of wooden architecture characteristic of most of the state were used: constructing the foundations of houses “on chairs,” stilts, racks, and stones; technique of fastening logs into quadrangular log houses in “corners”, “in the oblo”; gable, male and rafter roof structures3. All types and variants of horizontal and vertical housing layouts, known in the European part of the country at the time of the resettlement of peasants beyond the Urals, depending on natural and climatic conditions and migration processes, were embodied in the West Siberian region.

In the early years, in the forest-steppe and steppe zones, where there was a shortage of building materials, new peasants built only huts. Over time, the share of buildings of the two-part type reached 48%. Houses with a three-part layout in the steppe and forest-steppe regions accounted for 19–65%.

The assigned peasants preferred the “hut – canopy – cage” option. The local administration contributed to its preservation. There were very few multi-chamber buildings, including several living quarters and a canopy, in all regions of Western Siberia - up to 3%. They were owned by families with a complex generational structure, trading peasants, rural priests and townspeople.

The planning structures corresponded to the property qualifications of the peasantry: the poor had single-chamber and two-part dwellings, the rich had multi-part dwellings and depended on the population of the rural yard: families of 10 people. and more had houses of a three-part type with the option “two huts, a canopy.”

For many centuries, the peoples of Siberia lived in small settlements. Each individual settlement had its own clan. The inhabitants of Siberia were friends with each other, ran a joint household, were often relatives to each other and led an active lifestyle. But due to the vast territory of the Siberian region, these villages were far from each other. So, for example, the inhabitants of one village already led their own way of life and spoke a language incomprehensible to their neighbors. Over time, some settlements disappeared, while others became larger and actively developed.

History of population in Siberia.

The Samoyed tribes are considered to be the first indigenous inhabitants of Siberia. They inhabited the northern part. Their main occupations include reindeer herding and fishing. To the south lived the Mansi tribes, who lived by hunting. Their main trade was the extraction of furs, with which they paid for their future wives and bought goods necessary for life.

The upper reaches of the Ob were inhabited by Turkic tribes. Their main occupation was nomadic cattle breeding and blacksmithing. To the west of Baikal lived the Buryats, who became famous for their iron-making craft.

The largest territory from the Yenisei to the Sea of ​​Okhotsk was inhabited by Tungus tribes. Among them were many hunters, fishermen, reindeer herders, some were engaged in crafts.

Along the shore of the Chukchi Sea, the Eskimos (about 4 thousand people) settled down. Compared to other peoples of the time, the Eskimos had the slowest social development. The tool was made of stone or wood. The main economic activities include gathering and hunting.

The main way of survival of the first settlers of the Siberian region was hunting, reindeer herding and extraction of furs, which was the currency of that time.

By the end of the 17th century, the most developed peoples of Siberia were the Buryats and Yakuts. The Tatars were the only people who, before the arrival of the Russians, managed to organize state power.

The largest peoples before Russian colonization include the following peoples: Itelmens (indigenous inhabitants of Kamchatka), Yukagirs (inhabited the main territory of the tundra), Nivkhs (inhabitants of Sakhalin), Tuvinians (indigenous population of the Republic of Tuva), Siberian Tatars (located in the territory of Southern Siberia from Ural to Yenisei) and Selkups (residents of Western Siberia).

Indigenous peoples of Siberia in the modern world.

According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, every people of Russia received the right to national self-determination and identification. Since the collapse of the USSR, Russia has officially turned into a multinational state and the preservation of the culture of small and endangered nationalities has become one of the state priorities. The Siberian indigenous peoples were not left out here either: some of them received the right to self-government in autonomous okrugs, while others formed their own republics as part of the new Russia. Very small and endangered nationalities enjoy full support from the state, and the efforts of many people are aimed at preserving their culture and traditions.

As part of this review, we will give a brief description of each Siberian people whose population is more than or approaching 7 thousand people. Smaller peoples are difficult to characterize, so we will limit ourselves to their name and number. So, let's begin.

  1. Yakuts- the most numerous of the Siberian peoples. According to the latest data, the number of Yakuts is 478,100 people. In modern Russia, the Yakuts are one of the few nationalities that have their own republic, and its area is comparable to the area of ​​the average European state. The Republic of Yakutia (Sakha) is geographically located in the Far Eastern Federal District, but the Yakut ethnic group has always been considered an indigenous Siberian people. The Yakuts have an interesting culture and traditions. This is one of the few peoples of Siberia that has its own epic.

  2. Buryats- this is another Siberian people with their own republic. The capital of Buryatia is the city of Ulan-Ude, located east of Lake Baikal. The number of Buryats is 461,389 people. Buryat cuisine is widely known in Siberia and is rightfully considered one of the best among ethnic cuisines. The history of this people, its legends and traditions is quite interesting. By the way, the Republic of Buryatia is one of the main centers of Buddhism in Russia.

  3. Tuvans. According to the latest census, 263,934 identified themselves as representatives of the Tuvan people. The Republic of Tyva is one of the four ethnic republics of the Siberian Federal District. Its capital is the city of Kyzyl with a population of 110 thousand people. The total population of the republic is approaching 300 thousand. Buddhism also flourishes here, and the Tuvan traditions also speak of shamanism.

  4. Khakassians- one of the indigenous peoples of Siberia numbering 72,959 people. Today they have their own republic within the Siberian Federal District and with its capital in the city of Abakan. This ancient people have long lived in the lands west of the Great Lake (Baikal). It was never numerous, but that did not prevent it from carrying its identity, culture and traditions through the centuries.

  5. Altaians. Their place of residence is quite compact - the Altai mountain system. Today Altaians live in two constituent entities of the Russian Federation - the Altai Republic and the Altai Territory. The number of the Altai ethnic group is about 71 thousand people, which allows us to speak of them as a fairly large people. Religion - shamanism and Buddhism. The Altaians have their own epic and a clearly defined national identity, which does not allow them to be confused with other Siberian peoples. This mountain people has a centuries-old history and interesting legends.

  6. Nenets- one of the small Siberian peoples living compactly in the area of ​​the Kola Peninsula. Its population of 44,640 people allows it to be classified as a small nation whose traditions and culture are protected by the state. The Nenets are nomadic reindeer herders. They belong to the so-called Samoyed folk group. Over the years of the 20th century, the number of Nenets approximately doubled, which indicates the effectiveness of state policy in the field of preserving the small peoples of the North. The Nenets have their own language and oral epic.

  7. Evenks- people predominantly living on the territory of the Republic of Sakha. The number of this people in Russia is 38,396 people, some of whom live in the regions adjacent to Yakutia. It is worth saying that this is approximately half of the total number of the ethnic group - approximately the same number of Evenks live in China and Mongolia. The Evenks are a people of the Manchu group who do not have their own language and epic. Tungusic is considered the native language of the Evenks. Evenks are born hunters and trackers.

  8. Khanty- the indigenous people of Siberia, belonging to the Ugric group. The majority of the Khanty live on the territory of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug, which is part of the Ural Federal District of Russia. The total number of Khanty is 30,943 people. About 35% of the Khanty live in the Siberian Federal District, with the lion's share of them in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. The traditional occupations of the Khanty are fishing, hunting and reindeer herding. The religion of their ancestors is shamanism, but recently more and more Khanty people consider themselves Orthodox Christians.

  9. Evens- people related to the Evenks. According to one version, they represent an Evenki group that was cut off from the main halo of residence by the Yakuts moving south. A long time away from the main ethnic group made the Evens a separate people. Today their number is 21,830 people. Language - Tungusic. Places of residence: Kamchatka, Magadan region, Republic of Sakha.

  10. Chukchi- nomadic Siberian people who are mainly engaged in reindeer herding and live on the territory of the Chukotka Peninsula. Their number is about 16 thousand people. The Chukchi belong to the Mongoloid race and, according to many anthropologists, are the indigenous aborigines of the Far North. The main religion is animism. Indigenous industries are hunting and reindeer herding.

  11. Shors- a Turkic-speaking people living in the southeastern part of Western Siberia, mainly in the south of the Kemerovo region (in Tashtagol, Novokuznetsk, Mezhdurechensky, Myskovsky, Osinnikovsky and other regions). Their number is about 13 thousand people. The main religion is shamanism. The Shor epic is of scientific interest primarily for its originality and antiquity. The history of the people dates back to the 6th century. Today, the traditions of the Shors have been preserved only in Sheregesh, since most of the ethnic group moved to the cities and were largely assimilated.

  12. Muncie. This people has been known to Russians since the beginning of the founding of Siberia. Ivan the Terrible also sent an army against the Mansi, which suggests that they were quite numerous and strong. The self-name of this people is Voguls. They have their own language, a fairly developed epic. Today, their place of residence is the territory of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug. According to the latest census, 12,269 people identified themselves as belonging to the Mansi ethnic group.

  13. Nanai people- a small people living along the banks of the Amur River in the Russian Far East. Belonging to the Baikal ethnotype, the Nanais are rightfully considered one of the most ancient indigenous peoples of Siberia and the Far East. Today the number of Nanais in Russia is 12,160 people. The Nanais have their own language, rooted in Tungusic. Writing exists only among the Russian Nanais and is based on the Cyrillic alphabet.

  14. Koryaks- indigenous people of the Kamchatka Territory. There are coastal and tundra Koryaks. The Koryaks are mainly reindeer herders and fishermen. The religion of this ethnic group is shamanism. Number of people: 8,743 people.

  15. Dolgans- a people living in the Dolgan-Nenets municipal region of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Number of employees: 7,885 people.

  16. Siberian Tatars- perhaps the most famous, but today not numerous Siberian people. According to the latest census, 6,779 people self-identified as Siberian Tatars. However, scientists say that in fact their number is much larger - according to some estimates, up to 100,000 people.

  17. Soyots- an indigenous people of Siberia, a descendant of the Sayan Samoyeds. Lives compactly on the territory of modern Buryatia. The number of Soyots is 5,579 people.

  18. Nivkhi- indigenous people of Sakhalin Island. Now they live on the continental part at the mouth of the Amur River. As of 2010, the number of Nivkhs is 5,162 people.

  19. Selkups live in the northern parts of the Tyumen and Tomsk regions and in the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The number of this ethnic group is about 4 thousand people.

  20. Itelmens- This is another indigenous people of the Kamchatka Peninsula. Today, almost all representatives of the ethnic group live in the west of Kamchatka and the Magadan Region. The number of Itelmens is 3,180 people.

  21. Teleuts- Turkic-speaking small Siberian people living in the south of the Kemerovo Region. The ethnos is very closely related to the Altaians. Its population is approaching 2 and a half thousand.

  22. Among other small peoples of Siberia, such ethnic groups are often distinguished as “Kets”, “Chuvans”, “Nganasans”, “Tofalgars”, “Orochs”, “Negidals”, “Aleuts”, “Chulyms”, “Oroks”, “Tazis”, “Enets”, “Alutors” and “Kereks”. It is worth saying that the number of each of them is less than 1 thousand people, so their culture and traditions have practically not been preserved.