Presentation for a lesson on history (grade 11) on the topic: Presentation for the lesson "Totalitarianism as a phenomenon of the 20th century." All intellectual activity of the ruling class must be censored

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS

EE "VITEBSK STATE UNIVERSITY"

named after P.M. MASHEROV"

Faculty of Law

ABSTRACT

Course: "POLITOLOGY"

Subject: Totalitarianism - a phenomenon of the twentieth century

Completed: student

2 courses, 21 groups

Konopelko I.V.

Vitebsk, 2009

Introduction

The 20th century endowed mankind with a significant expansion of the horizons of knowledge, with the achievements of scientific and technological progress. Perhaps even more important is the unique experience of spiritual and social development.

In the 1920s and 1930s, a group of states - the USSR, Germany, Italy, then Spain, a number of countries in Eastern Europe (and later Asia) - formed political regimes that had a whole range of similar features. Proclaiming a break with the traditions of the past, promising to build a new world on its ruins, to bring peoples to prosperity and abundance, these regimes unleashed terror and repression on them, and dragged the world into a series of bloody wars.

The regimes that were called totalitarian gradually disappeared from the scene.

The most important milestones in the collapse of totalitarianism were 1945, when such a form of it as fascism collapsed, and 1989-1991, when the totalitarian regimes in Eastern Europe, and then in the USSR, which gradually underwent erosion after the death of I.V. Stalin, collapsed completely .

What was the totalitarian phenomenon? How was power exercised?

Why have these regimes lasted so long? Is it possible to find a model of a totalitarian system? Modern political science does not give unambiguous answers to these questions.

Totalitarianism - a phenomenon of the twentieth century

Totalitarianism- type of political system and society. Characterized by totalitarianism on the general ideology of public life, the excessive growth of power and the absorption of its civil society.

a single mass party headed by a charismatic leader;

an official ideology recognized by all;

monopoly of power on the media (mass media);

monopoly on all means of armed struggle;

· a system of terrorist police control and economic management.

A common feature of totalitarian models of the structure of human society is the universality of the state. In socio-economic terms, it involves the planning and regulation of all social and economic aspects of activity, does not leave freedom for the individual in making decisions, completely subordinating him to the collective will. There is no individual freedom in such a system. There is constant control by the party-state apparatus over citizens. The entire social system is subject to collective ideological goals.

The manifestation of totalitarianism became a phenomenon of social life and developed into a certain system only in the twentieth century. The totalitarian ideas of subordinating a part to the whole, the individual to the state, as well as the general management of society, have existed for over two millennia in the statements and writings of Heraclitus, Plato, Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin and many other thinkers. The theory of totalitarianism was formed in 40-50 years. in the works of F. Hayek, K. Friedrich and Z. Brzezinski. In the book "Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy" (1956), an attempt was made to empirically substantiate totalitarianism as a concept that reflects Stalinism and other similar (fascist and national socialist) political regimes.

Although totalitarianism became a political reality only in the 20th century, its ideological origins go back to ancient times.

Peter the Great and Louis XIV were powerful rulers - despots, but the primitiveness of the means of communication, the underdevelopment of the social infrastructure predetermined their power not so effective and all-pervading that it could be called total. The great autocrats of the past objectively did not have the ability to control everything and everyone in the lives of their subjects. Of course, they demanded and achieved external obedience, but there was always one or another "gap" in the sphere of state regulation. At least a part of society had either political immunity (class privileges), or independence in the sphere of economic and economic activity (the absence of a planned and command system for managing the economy), or (more common) a certain freedom of personal life (Russian peasants still do not forced to shave their beards and wear German camisoles, and the Old Believers were not shot for their religious beliefs).

In contrast to the autocratic regimes of the Middle Ages, totalitarianism assumes the universality of state control and tries to regulate every aspect of the life of society. Another thing is to what extent he manages to achieve what he wants.

It is no coincidence that the leader of the fascist movement in Italy, B. Mussolini, was the first to use "totalitarianism" in 1925 to characterize the regime he had established. The ideological sources that justify the totalitarian model originate in ancient times. Even Heraclitus (Ephesus) believed that, having wisdom and perfect knowledge, “one can control decisively all things.”

The followers of legalism in ancient China (Tzu Chan, Shen Bu-hai, Shang Yang) attached particular importance to justifying the totalitarian forms of state domination over society and the individual. Plato subtly criticized the democratic structure, but at the same time, his own ideas about the perfect state assumed not only the unconditional subordination of the individual to the state, but also the latter's ownership of land, houses, wives and children of citizens. The totality of state regulation was extended by Plato to the regulation of the daily routine and night, the obligatory confession of a single religion, the ban on unauthorized communication with foreigners and private trips abroad. Plato stressed the need for the state to cleanse itself of objectionable persons by death or exile.

The basis of a totalitarian communist state is coercive principle of equality. A person must forever give up "the hope of becoming richer, more influential, superior in knowledge to any of his fellow citizens" (G. Babeuf).

Totalitarianism is complete control over all spheres of society. There are five of these spheres: economics, public relations, politics, national relations, personality. The basis of the system in the economy was a distribution mechanism strictly regulated by the center. For example, in the USSR in 1928-1935, the introduction of cards was interpreted not as a necessary measure, but as a stepping stone on the path to socialism. Banking institutions were closed. People's committees controlled every ton of metal, every box of nails, etc. The basis of social relations was the command-administrative system, which felt confident, relying on peasants and workers. It formed a mass psychology of equality: "Let the poor, but everyone is equal." In the Stalinist concept of socialism, there was only a place for such a worker. As for the third system, there cannot be a single power in a state of law, but there must be three powers independent of each other: legislative, executive, judicial, while in the USSR there was a combination of legislative and executive state power. Judicial power during the years of the civil war was concentrated in the hands of the Cheka, other emergency and extrajudicial bodies, local executive committees subordinate to the Council of People's Commissars. Album cases were compiled for the top leadership of the country. There was a systematic intervention of the state apparatus in the sphere of justice. The nature of the administrative-command system affected the relations of nations and nationalities. Under the guise of the Federation in the 30s, a cruel centralized state was established. The very national structure of the country was uprooted. For example, in a report on the draft Constitution of the USSR in 1936, Stalin said that there were only 60 national communities in the USSR, while there were twice as many of them. Created in 1936, the Council of Nationalities dealt little with specific national problems. In the same year, such forms of national administrative division as national districts and national village councils were eliminated, which were engaged in creating conditions for the implementation of school education and cultural and educational activities in native languages. The basis of the fifth system was the personality. A person alienated from property, power, management could not be a person in legal terms. Individual rights were replaced by class, group, party-bureaucratic interests. The person had no guarantees of legal protection. The school brought up the personality in the spirit of intransigence towards the "enemies of the people". And they often turned out to be mother, father, relatives and friends.

Totalitarianism is inherent in the collective - mechanical outlook, considering the state as a well-oiled working mechanism. Stalin directly used this analogy, saying: "We are all cogs in one machine." From which, in turn, he drew a logical conclusion: “We have no irreplaceable ones,” which drew a line under the notions of the importance of the individual in a totalitarian state.

To achieve universal and de facto equality, it was supposed to use violence and coercion over the individual. With the beginning of the twentieth century, totalitarian ideas were embodied in specific mass social movements - communist (socialist) and fascist (national socialist). It was on the "soils" of such ideas and systems that the cult of personality "flourished".

Cult of personality - extreme exaltation, and sometimes deification of a person who, as a rule, occupies the highest position in the hierarchy of political or religious power; the maximum overestimation of the function and role of the leader. The most common cult of personality

The cult of political leaders is an integral element in the deification of power. It originates from pagan idolatry, resurrecting such of its attributes as monuments, mausoleums, memorial complexes, complex religious and political rituals, etc.

In totalitarian states ideological origins of the cult of personality lie in the ideology, its claims to the monopoly possession of truth, universal, universal validity. The "fathers" of such "the only true ideology" are endowed with the qualities of prophets and clairvoyants. The cult of personality is born on the basis of the natural needs of human society for the continuity of generations, reverence for elders, respect for outstanding personalities (heroes) who have brought good to their people. An important direct cause of the personality cult is the huge concentration of political, spiritual, economic and social power in the hands of one person, as well as the total personal dependence of people not so much on the results of their activities, but on the benevolence of the leadership. Versatile personal dependence, reflected in the mass consciousness and accompanied by appropriate systematic development, gives rise to the population's belief in the omnipotence of the leader, fear of him, slavish obedience and servility.

The heavy legacy of such an attitude towards political leadership is still evident in many states of the world, especially in the countries of the East.

In Nazi Germany, a manifestation of the cult of personality was cult of Hitler.

What he says is well known to everyone. In every great movement, whatever it may be, there is an ever-repeating leitmotif. These are different leitmotifs, many of which are especially memorable to us: “no annexations and indemnities”, “all power to the soviets”, “fraternization of the working people”, “rob the loot”. The leitmotif of Hitlerism is more complex; "The German army was victorious on all fronts, but the German revolution stabbed it in the back!" From this conclusions are drawn, also known to all.

Lenin's slogans in 1917 were even better, but this one is not badly invented either. Hitler addresses mainly young people who did not participate in the war and know little about it. The young Germans left about the events of 1914-1918. a general impression that almost coincides with what Hitler says: “The German troops were indeed victorious on all fronts. Then the revolution broke out and everything perished. It means that Germany was destroyed by the people who are now in power. Young people are not concerned with chronology, and without chronology, how can one prove that there is not a word of truth in Hitler's statement? History has given racism a choice between anecdote and gore. In Germany, cunning people spoke with a thoughtful air:

“Hitler must be allowed to be in power. Then the German people will finally see…” and so on. Cunning people said the same thing about the Bolsheviks here, in 1917: "Let the Russian people finally see ...". Of course, this was also said many years ago by left-wing Italians about the fascists. Twice you could do the same stupidity - the third time she risks becoming boring. From 35 percent to 51 percent, the distance is not so far, especially if the elections are led by the masters of electoral affairs.

Goethe compared the history of mankind to a fugue in which the "leading voice" belongs to different peoples in succession. The leading voice can also be false: for entire periods in the life of this or that people, humanity sometimes learns: this is how not to make history!

IN THE USSR Cult of personality"thrived" during the reign I.V. Stalin. A low level of education, legal insecurity, low professionalism and low political culture, downtroddenness and the habit of lordly prodding people - these are Stalin's "trump cards" to subdue the masses. By the end of the 1930s, about 29% of the population of the USSR still could not read and write. At that time, more than 70% of the secretaries of city committees and district committees of the party had non-special education, and among the secretaries of district committees, regional committees and the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union republics - more than 40%. Nobody defended the rights of people. If the harvest was low due to weather conditions, then they asked the innocent "to the fullest" and condemned them under Article 58. People were kept in prisons, exiled to camps and remote areas. Many innocent people were forced to confess to things they never did. They were subjected to various tortures and, unable to endure and resist any longer, they were ready for any confession. And since a large number of people with a high intellectual level and education “wandered” through exiles and camps, the political culture was low, because. Poorly educated people were involved in politics. The masses were very quickly made afraid of various authorities. People followed orders and could not disobey or speak against. A man in the USSR was deprived of his word. 58 the article covered the whole of human existence and people couldn't do anything about it.

Stalin actively controlled the process of terror: he supervised the preparation of three large Moscow trials; on his own initiative gave orders for arrests; engaged in the study of ongoing interrogations; clarified: what, exactly, torture should be applied to certain detainees; reprimanded NKVD workers if they could not "wrest" the necessary confession of guilt; arranged face-to-face confrontations in his office between prominent leaders and those who, through torture, were forced to testify against them. Stalin intervened in all matters: he stopped massacres in the armed forces, for example, in the Tukhachevsky group. But even taking into account all this, Stalin alone could not have carried out the monstrous mass repressions of 1937-1938. without a whole army of active assistants, starting with members of the Politburo and senior officials, and ending with thousands of NKVD investigators in prisons throughout the country, guards and escorts guarding the rapidly growing population of the camps, personnel of the secret departments of the NKVD in Soviet institutions, informants in all layers society, journalists who attacked the so-called "enemies of the people", ordinary members of the party and "non-party Bolsheviks" who wrote denunciations just to please their boss.

Stalinist terror 1935-1939 caused catastrophic damage to society, economy, culture, the country's military potential and the general well-being of the population. The lives of such prominent political figures as Bukharsky, Rykov, Zinoviev were ruined; military: Tukhachevsky, Blucher; cultural figures: Mandelstam and many, many others. But for the illiterate people, Stalin became an infallible object of worship, and all the convicts became "enemies of the people." Several thousand arrested during the terror were subsequently released from prison. Obviously, Stalin wanted to make the people believe that, already defeated, Yezhov was the main organizer of terror. The terror organized in the country did its job. With this seemingly successful attempt to create a society of the faithful, Stalin created a society of conformists. People might wear the masks of his supporters, but some were critical of him and hated him deep down. Not all of the people devoted to him said what they really thought. Many were two-faced, but it was not easy to find out who exactly was, and therefore, in the eyes of Stalin, almost every Soviet person and, of course, every major rank was a possible two-faced person.

Due to Stalin's negligence, many irreparable mistakes in the history of the USSR.

Having concluded a non-aggression pact with Germany on August 23, 1939, I.V. Stalin and his entourage perceived the pact as the greatest success of their foreign policy and believed too much in its inviolability. This illusion was strengthened by the "successful" definition of a new border in accordance with the "Treaty of Friendship and Borders". They carefully guarded the agreement reached, and the most valuable intelligence information, warnings of anti-fascists and some statesmen of the West were not only not taken into account, but were also assessed as provocative. Stalin repeatedly expressed confidence that Nazi Germany in 1941 would not attack our country. At the border, strange things happened for many. German officers dressed in civilian clothes, who allegedly received permission from the Soviet government to search for the graves of German soldiers of the First World War buried here, freely drove around in the border strip in cars dressed in civilian clothes. Aircraft violated air borders, but it was strictly forbidden to shoot at them. The plane, which made an emergency landing on our territory, found the latest photographic equipment. Bridges and railway junctions in the Kiev direction were filmed on the films. Everything was reported to Moscow. However, they ordered to immediately release the crew with the plane, accompanied by two of our fighters. It is necessary to take into account the situation in the country, when any doubt about the truth of the decisions taken by Stalin led to repression. A week before the start of the war, Stalin was asked by our officers to put them on alert and withdraw them from their quarters in accordance with the plan for covering the border. Stalin replied that another similar message and it would be assessed as panicking. Everything depended on the will and instructions of one person and his environment, totalitarian in spirit. Incorrectly assessing the situation, Stalin was captive to a mistake that cost the Red Army and the people dearly. The main content of Stalin's speeches outlined the directive of the leadership to the party and Soviet bodies of the front-line regions. But there was also something new in the performances. Stalin, who was to blame for the millions of lives lost during the years of collectivization, for executions and imprisonment in the Gulag, turned to people with an appeal beginning with the words: "Brothers and sisters ...". Stalin's speech led tens of millions of the country's citizens to realize the severity of the situation. Their patriotic impulse became the factor that could compensate for the shortcomings in the organization of the Supreme Power.

Stalin's times can be regarded from different points of view. Stalin's personality cult left a legacy in all spheres of socialist society. An extremely centralized state with a numerous and ramified bureaucratic apparatus aimed at fulfilling any directives coming from above suppressed public initiative at all service and production levels. Stalin embodied the "butcher". Under him, all the best minds of the country (professors, doctors, officers, writers, etc.), who did not regard Stalin's point of view, were declared traitors to the Motherland and were either shot or sent to camps. The people were massively subjected to oppression (solid "leveling" and repressive methods). Literature and any information was subjected to strict censorship.

"Voltage dip" state inside a totalitarian system and the transition to the stage of post-totalitarianism became by the beginning of the 1980s a common phenomenon not only in the USSR, but also in China, and most of all in the countries of Eastern Europe. Attempts to reform it through liberalization and democratization, that is, by borrowing elements of a market economy and "pluralism of opinions", obviously called into question the very existence of the main components of a totalitarian regime. The main internal contradiction of the totalitarian political system lies in the fact that it denies such phenomena as competition, competition, individual freedom and freedom of choice. There is a destruction of the motivational foundations of the individual's activity in the social and socio-economic process: enterprise, initiative, personal interest. To replace them, conformism, opportunism, social dependency are reproduced. Later attempts to create an empirical theory of totalitarianism built on the basis of real facts were not very successful, because. reflecting the most odious political systems of the 20th century, as the socialist countries softened and liberalized, they diverged more and more from reality and less and less showed the fundamental differences between systems considered totalitarian. On the whole, the concepts of totalitarianism turned out to be too simplified theoretical models, inherent mainly only in the era of Stalinist and Nazi (in Germany) terror. Despite the very limited applicability to real political systems, the theory of totalitarianism still retains a certain scientific significance and political relevance, making it possible to track totalitarian tendencies that are contrary to the freedom of the individual, manifesting themselves in various parts of the world, including Western democracies. The real expression of such tendencies is the desire for a general overorganization and rationalization of society, the establishment of universal, including with the help of computer systems, control over the individual by the state, various restrictions on individual autonomy and freedom.

The end of the 20th century provided impressive examples collapse of totalitarianism political systems and the transition of societies to democracy or at least authoritarianism

Conclusion

The main indicator of totalitarianism is the socio-political movement, the core of which is represented by a political party of a totalitarian type.

Bloc Party - socio-political movement represents a situation where the party is being introduced into all spheres of public life and is supported by a large part of the non-party population. This support is partly provided by terror.

Since the party is the ruling and the only one, the EFFECT is achieved

TOTALITAR MOVEMENT, when all the decisions of the party through its branched structure and the supporting part of the population are brought to the attention of the whole society - "at the request of the working people" - and are accepted for execution by society as "the will of the broad masses of the people."

This is how the EFFECT of TOTALITARISM is achieved, when the authorities exercise control and carry out all their decisions on behalf of and by the hands of the masses themselves.

A low level of public consciousness at high rates of development of capitalist relations can lead to the establishment of totalitarianism.

However, totalitarianism is a dead-end version of development that leads either to a catastrophe, for example, defeat in a war, or, as the public consciousness develops, to a transition towards democracy through authoritarianism.

The 20th century was marked by the emergence in most countries of the second echelon of modernization of a new type of political regimes, called totalitarian.

In these countries (Germany, Russia, Italy belonged to them), the role of the state was higher than in Great Britain and the USA, which are considered the birthplace of liberal democracy. Thus, in 1913 in the USA the state redistributed only 9% of GNP, while in Germany it was 18%, that is, twice as much. With the aggravation of social and economic problems, it was quite natural to look for their solutions in an even greater expansion of the regulatory functions of the state. Ultimately, there was a tendency to establish a comprehensive (total) control of the state over the sphere of production, distribution and exchange, the spiritual life of society, and the behavior of citizens. Such an expansion of the functions of the state would be impossible in principle without changing its nature, establishing a new type of relationship between the state and society.

Ideological and political foundations of totalitarianism. The prerequisite for the establishment of a totalitarian political regime was the adoption, if not by the whole society, then by a significant part of it, of a single system of values, ideology, political program, which requires a special role of the state for its implementation.

The totalitarian ideologies of the first half of the 20th century were not associated with religious ideas, although in historical terms they were preceded by religious fanaticism. Many features of totalitarianism were manifested in Florence during the reign of the monk Savonarola (1494--1497), who tried to introduce virtue by coercive measures. During the reign of J. Calvin in Geneva (1541-1564), the customs, beliefs, entertainments of citizens were subject to state regulation, which was strictly prescribed in what cases they should have facial expressions. The state of the Jesuits that existed in Paraguay in the 17th-18th centuries is also considered to be clerical-totalitarian.

The totalitarian experiments of the past were limited in scope and in the nature of their goals. Only in the 20th century, in the context of the existence of mass political parties that use the media to popularize their ideas, did totalitarianism manifest itself as a special historical phenomenon.

A characteristic feature of the totalitarian ideology is its claim to absolute truth, to the expression of certain higher interests (the nation, the advanced class, etc.). Being addressed to the general population capable of providing massive support to the totalitarian regime, this ideology acquires a populist character. It appeals more to the instincts of the masses (national hostility, class intolerance) than to reason and reason. The bearer of such an ideology is a totalitarian political party or movement. Such a party is capable of compromises for tactical purposes, but most often it considers all other political forces as enemies, sooner or later subject to destruction.

A totalitarian party can be inconspicuous for a long time, relying on marginal strata of society (disappointed intellectuals, lumpen-proletarian, criminal elements). However, in a crisis situation, with a sharp drop in public confidence in the institutions of power, traditional political parties and their leaders, the totalitarian party, as the bearer of the alternative, is able to secure mass support for itself.

Features of totalitarian regimes. The coming to power through elections or a coup of a totalitarian party marks a turn towards the establishment of a totalitarian regime. It can call itself anything (socialist democracy, corporate state, formally remain a monarchy or a republic), in this case the name determines the form, but not the essence of the regime, which is characterized by the following.

First, the state becomes an instrument of domination by the totalitarian party. The structures of the party and the state merge into one. The size of the state apparatus is growing at the expense of party functionaries, a mechanism for monitoring the daily life of citizens is being formed from the rank and file members of the party. The ideology of a totalitarian party becomes a state one, is implanted in society with the help of control over the media, strict censorship. Legal norms are adjusted taking into account current political and ideological tasks. New leaders see the law as a tool to achieve their goals. They justify their actions with political expediency, with references to "revolutionary morality", which are placed above the law.

Secondly, any political opposition is destroyed. Public organizations and other structures of civil society are either dissolved or placed under the control of the state, becoming an instrument for achieving the goals set by the totalitarian leaders. Society is viewed as a monolithic entity, defined as "people", "nation". Any expressions of disagreement with the policy and ideology of the regime are qualified as anti-social, anti-people, deserving severe punishment.

Thirdly, the main resources, material, human, intellectual, are directed to achieve one main goal, which is considered the highest value. The nature of this goal is determined by ideology. It itself is, as a rule, quite abstract, but at the same time simple and understandable. This is the goal of restoring the greatness of the nation or the liberation of all the oppressed, etc.

Fourthly, the role of the individual in the conditions of totalitarianism is not limited to the observance of certain rules of behavior, obedience to the regime. A person is required to constantly serve a higher goal, up to the readiness for self-sacrifice in the name of its achievement. With the help of the system of education, upbringing, including the means of art, propaganda, a person is convinced from birth to death of the correctness of the dominant ideology, the need to perceive everyone who does not perceive it as enemies. It is their intrigues that explain the difficulties on the way to achieving the goal. Thus, the energy of society, people is directed to fight against "enemies" - external and internal, political activity is imitated, which in fact comes down to freedom of expression of support for the ruling party.

Fifth, leaders play a special role in totalitarian regimes. Since it is believed that in society there is only one true ideology that has one carrier (party), its leader is inevitably deified, becomes the embodiment of the highest idea, a symbol of the nation, progress. Worship of leaders, authorities in general, conviction in their infallibility are implanted using all the possibilities of the mass media.

Strength and weakness of totalitarianism. Totalitarian regimes have their strengths and weaknesses.

The totalitarian ideology, spreading in society, is able to captivate many people with the prospect of fulfilling a "great mission." Due to this, the unanimity and enthusiasm of the masses, unattainable under any other regime, is ensured, it is possible to save resources on the payment of labor, to encourage intellectuals to work with the highest possible return. In combination with the use of forced labor of victims of repression for unskilled work, the economy as a whole is ensured by high efficiency. Another source of strength for totalitarian regimes was their ability to concentrate all the resources of society (often very limited) and centrally direct them to the implementation of large-scale projects. Control over the distribution of resources made it possible to create additional jobs, introduce an equal distribution, which partly solved the problems of unemployment and the lack of livelihood among the poorest sections of society.

At the same time, the adoption of decisions on the development strategy by one "center of power" without any discussion increased the likelihood of errors and waste of resources. Centralized management with a large scale of the economy sooner or later lost efficiency. Departmental, local interests, in the absence of their political expression, were realized in the form of bureaucratic intrigue, an implicit struggle for a large "share of the pie" in the distributed resources, for influence. The growth of the administrative apparatus did not contribute to an increase in the efficiency and dynamism of its activities. The emerging unaccounted for "surpluses" of resources and products became the basis for the development of the shadow economy, the black market. The policy of control over prices and trade generated a desire for isolation from the world market, for self-reliant development (economic autarky). This limited the possibility of using the advantages of participation in the international division of labor, attracting foreign capital.

The most vulnerable link of totalitarian regimes was their dependence on the ideology that was their main support. The fall in the influence of ideology, the loss of hopes for achieving the set goals, the struggle for power in the ruling elite sooner or later deprive the totalitarian regime of the main foundation - the faith of the masses in the infallibility of its leaders. This belief, thanks to cosmetic measures, can be revived, for some time the regime is able to exist by inertia, eradicating dissent through repression. However, with the erosion of the totalitarian ideology in society, the number of supporters of alternative ideas and values, in particular liberal democratic ones, is growing. Gradually public opinion gains freedom from the influence of the totalitarian mass media. In society, alternative models of behavior are formed that differ from those prescribed by the ruling party. This leads to a crisis of the totalitarian regime, its gradual erosion.

Of course, the paths of establishment and fall of the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century were different. In each of the countries of the second echelon of modernization, where they developed, totalitarianism had its own special, unique, inimitable features along with common ones.

Documents and materials

From the work of B. Mussolini "The Doctrine of Fascism" (1932):

"Fascism sees in the world not only superficial, material aspects in which a person manifests himself as an individual, relying on himself, focused on himself, obeying a natural law that instinctively draws him to life in a short, selfish pleasure; he sees not only an individual but also nation and country; individuals and generations are united by a moral law with common traditions, the mission of which is to suppress the instinct for a life closed in a narrow circle of pleasures, to build a higher life based on duty, free from the restrictions of time and space in which the individual through self-sacrifice, renunciation of private interests, and even through death, he can achieve that ideal spiritual existence in which his value as a person consists<...>The anti-individualistic fascist concept of life emphasizes the importance of the State and accepts the individual only to the extent that its interests coincide with the interests of the State, which embodies the conscience and universal will of man as a historical entity. It opposes classical liberalism, which arose as a reaction to absolutism and exhausted its historical function when the State became the spokesman for the conscience and will of the people. Liberalism denied the State in the name of the individual; fascism emphasizes the rights of the State as the spokesman for the true essence of the individual. And if freedom should be an attribute of a living person, and not an abstract function invented by individualistic liberalism, then fascism stands for freedom, for the only freedom that has value - the freedom of the State and the individual in the State. The Fascist conception of the State is all-encompassing; outside it, neither human nor spiritual values exist, or they have a much lower value. Understood in this way, fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist State - a synthesis and association that includes all values - explains, develops and gives strength to the whole life of the people. Outside the State there are no individuals or groups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes). Therefore, fascism is opposed to socialism, which does not know the unity within the State, which merges classes into a single economic and ethnic reality, and which sees nothing in history but the class struggle. Fascism is also opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But, being drawn into the orbit of the state, fascism sees the real needs that gave rise to socialism and trade unionism and which have taken their rightful place in a unified or corporate system where opposing interests are coordinated and harmonized in the unity of the State.

From the work of X. Ortega y Gasset "The Revolt of the Masses":

"The greatest danger threatening civilization now is the subordination of all life to the state, its interference in all areas, the absorption of all social spontaneous initiative by the state power, which means the destruction of the historical amateur activity of society, which ultimately supports, nourishes and drives the destinies of mankind. The masses know that when they don’t like something or want something badly, they can achieve everything without effort and doubt, without struggle and risk, they just need to press a button, and the miraculous machine of the state will immediately do everything that is needed.This easy opportunity always presents for mass strong temptation<...>The man of the masses really believes that he is the state, and more and more strives, under all sorts of pretexts, to set the state machine in motion in order to suppress the creative minority, which interferes with him everywhere, in all areas of life - in politics, in science, in industry.

This desire will end badly. The creative aspirations of society will be more and more suppressed by the interference of the state; new seeds will not be able to bear fruit. Society will be forced to live for the state, man for the government machine. And since the state itself is ultimately only a machine, the existence and maintenance of which depends on the manpower of the machinist, then, having sucked all the juices out of society, drained of blood, it will itself die the death of a rusty machine, more disgusting than the death of a living being.

Questions and tasks

1. What is the essence of all totalitarian regimes? What is the ideology on which they were based?
2. Explain how you understand the meaning of the title of the text "Totalitarianism as a Phenomenon of the 20th Century". How is its emergence related to the level of industrial development of countries?
3. Compare the main features of a totalitarian political regime with the principles of functioning of liberal democratic states. What are the strengths and weaknesses of these and other political regimes?
4. Read the text of the annexes. Retell in your own words the arguments for and against totalitarianism. Why do you think the 1920s many Europeans did not heed the warnings about the dangers of fascist totalitarianism?

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Article subject:	TOTALITARISM AS A PHENOMENON OF THE XX CENTURY
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The 20th century was marked by the emergence in most countries of the second echelon of modernization of a new type of political regimes, called totalitarian.

In these countries (Germany, Russia, Italy belonged to them), the role of the state was higher than in Great Britain and the USA, which are considered the birthplace of liberal democracy. So, in 1913 ᴦ. in the US, the state redistributed only 9% of GNP, while in Germany it was 18%, that is, twice as much. With the aggravation of social and economic problems, it was quite natural to look for their solutions in an even greater expansion of the regulatory functions of the state. Ultimately, there was a tendency to establish a comprehensive (total) control of the state over the sphere of production, distribution and exchange, the spiritual life of society, and the behavior of citizens. Such an expansion of the functions of the state would be impossible in principle without changing its nature, establishing a new type of relationship between the state and society.

Ideological and political foundations of totalitarianism. The prerequisite for the establishment of a totalitarian political regime was the adoption, if not by the whole of society, then by a significant part of it, of a single system of values, ideology, political program, requiring a special role of the state for its implementation.

The totalitarian ideologies of the first half of the 20th century were not associated with religious ideas, although in historical terms they were preceded by religious fanaticism. Many features of totalitarianism were manifested in Florence during the reign of the monk Savonarola (1494-1497), who tried to introduce virtue by coercive measures. During the reign of J. Calvin in Geneva (1541-1564), the customs, beliefs, entertainments of citizens were subject to state regulation, which was strictly prescribed in what cases they should have facial expressions. The state of the Jesuits that existed in Paraguay in the 17th-18th centuries is also considered to be clerical-totalitarian.

A characteristic feature of the totalitarian ideology is its claim to absolute truth, to the expression of certain higher interests (the nation, the advanced class, etc.). Being addressed to the broad sections of the population capable of providing massive support to the totalitarian regime, this ideology acquires a populist character.
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It appeals more to the instincts of the masses (national hostility, class intolerance) than to reason and reason. The bearer of such an ideology is a totalitarian political party or movement. Such a party, for tactical purposes, is capable of making compromises, but most often it considers all other political forces as enemies, sooner or later subject to destruction.

A totalitarian party should be inconspicuous for a long time, relying on the marginal strata of society (disappointed intellectuals, lumpen-proletarian, criminal elements). At the same time, in a crisis situation with a sharp drop in public confidence in the institutions of power, traditional political parties and their leaders, the totalitarian party, as the bearer of the alternative, is able to secure mass support for itself.

First of all, the state becomes an instrument of domination of the totalitarian party. The structures of the party and the state merge into one. The size of the state apparatus is growing at the expense of party functionaries, a mechanism for monitoring the daily life of citizens is being formed from the rank and file members of the party. The ideology of a totalitarian party becomes a state one, is implanted in society with the help of control over the media, strict censorship. Legal norms are adjusted taking into account current political and ideological tasks. The new leaders see the law as a tool to achieve their goals. They justify their actions by political expediency, by references to ʼʼrevolutionary moralityʼʼ, which are placed above the law.

Secondly, any political opposition is destroyed. Public organizations and other structures of civil society are either dissolved or placed under the control of the state, becoming an instrument for achieving the goals set by the totalitarian leaders. Society is perceived as a monolithic entity, defined as ʼʼpeopleʼʼ, ʼʼnationʼʼ. Any expressions of disagreement with the policy and ideology of the regime are qualified as anti-social, anti-people, deserving severe punishment.

Fourthly, the role of the individual in the conditions of totalitarianism is not limited to the observance of certain rules of behavior, obedience to the regime. A person is required to constantly serve a higher goal, up to the readiness for self-sacrifice in the name of its achievement. With the help of the system of education, upbringing, incl. and by means of art, propaganda, a person is convinced from birth to death of the correctness of the dominant ideology, it is extremely important to perceive everyone who does not perceive it as enemies. It is their intrigues that explain the difficulties on the way to achieving the goal. Thus, the energy of society, people is directed to fight against ʼʼenemiesʼʼ - external and internal, political activity is imitated, which in fact comes down to freedom of expression of support for the ruling party.

Strength and weakness of totalitarianism. Totalitarian regimes have their strengths and weaknesses.

The totalitarian ideology, spreading in society, is able to captivate many people with the prospect of fulfilling the ʼʼgreat missionʼʼ. Due to this, the unanimity and enthusiasm of the masses, unattainable under any other regime, is ensured, it is possible to save resources on the payment of labor, to encourage intellectuals to work with the highest possible return. In combination with the use of forced labor of victims of repression for unskilled work, the economy as a whole is ensured by high efficiency. Another source of power for totalitarian regimes was their ability to concentrate all the resources of society (often very limited) and centrally direct them to the implementation of large-scale projects. Control over the distribution of resources made it possible to create additional jobs; to introduce an equal distribution, which partly solved the problems of unemployment and the lack of livelihood among the poorest sections of society.

At the same time, the adoption of decisions on the development strategy by one ʼʼpower centerʼʼ without any discussion increased the likelihood of errors and waste of resources. Centralized management with a large scale of the economy sooner or later lost efficiency. Departmental, local interests, with the impossibility of their political expression, were realized in the form of bureaucratic intrigue, an implicit struggle for a large "share of the pie" in the distributed resources, for influence. The growth of the administrative apparatus did not contribute to an increase in the efficiency and dynamism of its activities. The emerging unaccounted for "surpluses" of resources and products became the basis for the development of the shadow economy, the black market. The policy of control over prices and trade generated a desire for isolation from the world market, for self-reliant development (economic autarky). This limited the possibility of using the advantages of participation in the international division of labor and attracting foreign capital.

The most vulnerable link of totalitarian regimes was their dependence on the ideology that was their main support. The fall in the influence of ideology, the loss of hopes for achieving the set goals, the struggle for power in the ruling elite sooner or later deprive the totalitarian regime of the main foundation - the faith of the masses in the infallibility of its leaders. This belief, thanks to cosmetic measures, can be revived, for some time the regime is able to exist by inertia, eradicating dissent through repression. At the same time, with the erosion of totalitarian ideology in society, the number of supporters of alternative ideas and values, in particular liberal democratic ones, is growing. Gradually public opinion gains freedom from the influence of the totalitarian mass media. In society, alternative models of behavior are formed that differ from those prescribed by the ruling party. This leads to a crisis of the totalitarian regime, its gradual erosion.

DOCUMENTS AND MATERIALS

From the work of B. Mussolini ʼʼThe Doctrine of Fascismʼʼ (1932 ᴦ.):

ʼʼFascism sees in the world not only superficial, material aspects in which a person manifests himself as an individual, relying on himself, focused on himself, obeying a natural law that instinctively draws him to life in a short, selfish pleasure; he sees not only the individual, but also the nation and the country; individuals and generations are united by a moral law with common traditions, the mission of which is to suppress the instinct for a life closed in a narrow circle of pleasures, to build a higher life based on duty, free from the restrictions of time and space, in which the individual, through self-sacrifice, renunciation of private interests and even through death he can reach that ideal spiritual existence in which his value as a human being consists.<...>The anti-individualistic fascist concept of life emphasizes the importance of the State and accepts the individual only to the extent that its interests coincide with the interests of the State, ĸᴏᴛᴏᴩᴏᴇ embodies the conscience and universal will of man as a historical entity. It opposes classical liberalism, which arose as a reaction to absolutism and exhausted its historical function when the State became the spokesman for the conscience and will of the people. Liberalism denied the State in the name of the individual; fascism emphasizes the rights of the State as the spokesman for the true essence of the individual. And if freedom should be an attribute of a living person, and not an abstract function invented by individualistic liberalism, then fascism stands for freedom, for the only freedom that has value - the freedom of the State and the individual in the State. The fascist concept of the State is all-encompassing; outside it, neither human nor spiritual values exist, or they have a much lower value. Understood in this way, fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist State - a synthesis and association that includes all values - explains, develops and gives strength to the whole life of the people. Outside the State there are no individuals or groups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes). For this reason, fascism is opposed to socialism, which does not know the unity within the State, which merges classes into a single economic and ethnic reality, and which sees nothing in history but the class struggle. Fascism is also opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But, being drawn into the orbit of the state, fascism sees the real needs that gave rise to socialism and trade unionism and which have taken their rightful place in the unified or corporate system, where opposing interests are coordinated and harmonized in the unity of the State.

From the work of X. Ortega y Gasset ʼʼThe Revolt of the Massesʼʼ:

ʼʼThe greatest danger threatening civilization now: the subordination of all life to the state, its interference in all areas, the absorption of all public spontaneous initiative by state power, which means the destruction of the historical amateur activity of society, ĸᴏᴛᴏᴩᴏᴇ ultimately supports, nourishes and moves fate of mankind. The masses know that when they do not like something or want something badly, they can achieve everything without effort and doubt, without struggle and risk; all they have to do is press a button, and the miraculous machine of the state will immediately do everything that is needed. This easy opportunity always presents a strong temptation to the masses.<...>The man of the masses really believes that he is the state, and more and more strives under all sorts of pretexts to set the state machine in motion in order to suppress the creative minority, ĸᴏᴛᴏᴩᴏᴇ hinders him everywhere, in all areas of life - in politics, in science, in industry .

This desire will end badly. The creative aspirations of society will be more and more suppressed by state intervention; new seeds will not be able to bear fruit. Society will be forced to live for the state, man for the government machine. And since the state itself is ultimately only a machine, the existence and maintenance of which depends on the manpower of the machinist, then, having drained all the juices from society, bled, it will itself die the death of a rusty machine, more disgusting than the death of a living being.

QUESTIONS AND TASKS

1. What is the essence of all totalitarian regimes? What is the ideology on which they were based?

2. Explain how you understand the meaning of the title of the text ʼʼTotalitarianism as a phenomenon of the 20th centuryʼʼ. How is its emergence related to the level of industrial development of countries?

3. Compare the main features of a totalitarian political regime with the principles of functioning of liberal democratic states. What are the strengths and weaknesses of these and other political regimes?

4. Read the text of the annexes. Retell in your own words the arguments ʼʼforʼʼ and ʼʼagainstʼʼ totalitarianism. Why do you think in the 1920s. many Europeans did not heed the warnings about the dangers of fascist totalitarianism?

TOTALITARISM AS A PHENOMENON OF THE XX CENTURY - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "TOTALITARISM AS A PHENOMENON OF THE XX CENTURY" 2017, 2018.

Introduction page 2

Definition of a totalitarian regime, its features and origins. 2 p.

Prerequisites for the emergence, essence and properties of totalitarianism. 6 p.

Forms of a totalitarian regime. 11 p.

4.1 Communist totalitarianism. 11 p.

4.2 Fascism. 14 pages

Conclusion. 16 p.

Literature sheet 17 pages.

Introduction.

Mankind has been looking for the most perfect forms of state organization of society for thousands of years. These forms change with the development of society itself. The form of government, the structure of the state, the political regime - these are the specific areas where this search is most intensive. In this paper, we will consider a totalitarian political regime.

Definition of a totalitarian regime and its features and origins.

The term itself appeared in the late 1920s, when some political scientists sought to separate the socialist state from democratic states and were looking for a clear definition of socialist statehood. The concept of “totalitarianism” means the whole, whole, complete (from the Latin words “TOTALITAS” - wholeness, completeness and “TOTALIS” - whole, complete, whole). It was introduced into circulation by the ideologue of Italian fascism G. Gentile at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1925 this concept was first voiced in the Italian Parliament.

In all the variety of reasons and conditions for the emergence of totalitarian political regimes, the main role, as history shows, is played by a deep crisis situation in which the economy and the entire public life of the state find themselves. A totalitarian regime arises in crisis situations - post-war, during a civil war, when tough measures are needed to restore the economy, restore order, eliminate strife in society, and ensure stability. Social groups that need protection, support and care of the state act as its social base.

Among the main conditions for the emergence of totalitarianism, many researchers name the entry of society into the industrial stage, when the possibilities of the mass media have increased dramatically, contributing to the general ideologization of society and the establishment of comprehensive control over the individual. This stage gave rise to the monopolization of the economy and, at the same time, the strengthening of state power, its regulatory and control functions.
The industrial stage contributed to the emergence of the ideological prerequisite for totalitarianism, namely, the formation of a collectivist worldview, a consciousness based on the superiority of the collective over the individual. And, finally, an important role was played by political conditions, which included the emergence of a new mass party, a sharp increase in the role of the state, and the development of various kinds of totalitarian movements.

Usually, totalitarianism is understood as a political regime based on the desire of the country's leadership to subordinate the way of life of people to one, undividedly dominant idea and to organize the political system of power so that it helps to realize this idea.

The totalitarian regime is characterized, as a rule, by the presence of one official ideology, which is formed and set by the socio-political movement, political party, ruling elite, political leader, "leader of the people", in most cases charismatic, as well as the desire of the state for absolute control over all areas. social life, the complete subordination of man to political power and the dominant ideology. At the same time, the authorities and the people are thought of as a single whole, an inseparable whole, the people become relevant in the struggle against internal enemies, the authorities and the people against a hostile external environment.

The ideology of the regime is also reflected in the fact that the political leader determines the ideology. He can change his mind within a day, as happened in the summer of 1939, when the Soviet people suddenly learned that Nazi Germany was no longer an enemy of socialism. On the contrary, its system was declared better than the false democracies of the bourgeois West. This unexpected interpretation was maintained for two years until Nazi Germany's perfidious attack on the USSR.

The basis of the totalitarian ideology is the consideration of history as a natural movement towards a specific goal (world domination, building communism, etc.)

The totalitarian regime allows only one ruling party, and all others, even pre-existing parties, seek to disperse, ban or destroy. The ruling party is declared the leading force of society, its attitudes are regarded as sacred dogmas. Competing ideas about the social reorganization of society are declared anti-people, aimed at undermining the foundations of society, at inciting social hostility. The ruling party seizes the reins of state administration: there is a merging of the party and state apparatuses. As a result, the simultaneous holding of party and state positions becomes a mass phenomenon, and where this does not happen, state officials carry out direct instructions from persons holding party posts.

In public administration, the totalitarian regime is characterized by extreme centralism. In practice, management looks like the execution of commands from above, in which the initiative is actually not encouraged at all, but is severely punished. Local authorities and governments are becoming mere transmitters of commands. Features of the regions (economic, national, cultural, social, religious, etc.), as a rule, are not taken into account.

The leader is the center of the totalitarian system. His actual position is sacralized. He is declared the most wise, infallible, just, tirelessly thinking about the welfare of the people. Any critical attitude towards him is suppressed. Usually charismatic personalities are nominated for this role.

Against this background, the power of the executive bodies is strengthened, the omnipotence of the nomenklatura arises, that is, officials whose appointment is consistent with the highest bodies of the ruling party or is carried out at their direction. The nomenklatura, the bureaucracy exercises power for the purpose of enrichment, conferring privileges in the educational, medical and other social fields. The political elite uses the possibilities of totalitarianism to obtain privileges and benefits hidden from society: household, including medical, educational, cultural, etc.

Discretionary, i.e., powers that are not provided for and not limited by law, are growing, and the discretion of administrative bodies is growing. The "power fist", "power structure" (army, police, security agencies, prosecutor's office, etc.), i.e., punitive agencies, stand out against the background of the expanded executive bodies. The police exist under different regimes, however, under totalitarianism, police control is terrorist in the sense that no one will prove guilt in order to kill a person.

The totalitarian regime will widely and constantly use terror against the population. Physical violence acts as the main condition for strengthening and exercising power. For these purposes, concentration camps and ghettos are being created, where hard labor is used, people are tortured, their will to resist is suppressed, and innocent people are massacred.

However, there are regimes where the police carry out terror, but they are not totalitarian, remember Chile: at the beginning of the reign of President Pinochet, 15,000 people died in concentration camps. But Chile is not a totalitarian state, because there were no other "syndromes" of totalitarianism: there was no mass party, there was no "sacred" ideology, the economy remained free and market. The government had only partial control over education and the media.

Under totalitarianism, complete control is established over all spheres of society. The state seeks to literally “merge” society with itself, to fully nationalize it. In economic life, there is a process of stateization in various forms of ownership. In the political life of society, a person, as a rule, is limited in his rights and freedoms. And if political rights and freedoms are formally enshrined in law, then there is no mechanism for their implementation, as well as real opportunities for using them. Control permeates the sphere of people's personal lives. Demagoguery, dogmatism become a way of ideological, political and legal life.

The totalitarian regime uses police investigation, encourages and widely uses denunciation, flavoring it with a "great" idea, for example, the fight against the enemies of the people. The search and imaginary intrigues of enemies become a condition for the existence of a totalitarian regime. Mistakes, economic misfortunes, impoverishment of the population are written off precisely on “enemies”, “pests”.

Militarization is also one of the main characteristics of a totalitarian regime. The idea of a military danger, of a "besieged fortress" becomes necessary for the rallying of society, for building it on the principle of a military camp. The totalitarian regime is inherently aggressive, and aggression helps to achieve several goals at once: to distract the people from their disastrous economic situation, enrich the bureaucracy, the ruling elite, and solve geopolitical problems by military means. Aggression under a totalitarian regime can also be fueled by the idea of world domination, world revolution. The military-industrial complex, the army are the main pillars of totalitarianism.

An important role in totalitarianism is played by the political practice of demagogy, hypocrisy, double standards, moral decay and degeneration.

The state under totalitarianism, as it were, takes care of every member of society. Under the totalitarian regime, the population develops the ideology and practice of social dependency. Members of society believe that the state should provide, support, protect them in all cases, especially in the field of healthcare, education, and housing.
The psychology of leveling is developing, there is a significant lumpenization of society. On the one hand, a completely demagogic, decorative, formal totalitarian regime, and on the other hand, social dependency of a part of the population nourish and support these varieties of political regime. Often the totalitarian regime is painted in nationalistic, racist, chauvinistic colors.

However, the social price for such a way of exercising power increases over time (wars, drunkenness, the destruction of motivation to work, coercion, terror, demographic and environmental losses), which ultimately leads to the realization of the harmfulness of the totalitarian regime, the need to eliminate it. Then the evolution of the totalitarian regime begins. The pace and forms of this evolution (up to destruction) depend on socio-economic shifts and the corresponding increase in people's consciousness, political struggle, and other factors. Within the framework of a totalitarian regime that ensures the federal structure of the state, national liberation movements can arise that destroy both the totalitarian regime and the very federal structure of the state.

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Totalitarianism

totalitarianism totalitarian state Russian literature

The term "totalitarianism" was first used to refer to the fascist regime in Italy and the German National Socialist movement as early as the 1920s. The totalitarian state was characterized by unlimited powers of power, the elimination of constitutional rights and freedoms, repression against dissidents, the militarization of public life.

Since 1929, starting with the publication in the Times newspaper, it began to be applied to the political regime of the Soviet Union.

An attempt to give a scientific interpretation of totalitarianism was first made at a symposium organized by the American Philosophical Society in 1939. A few years later, a number of fundamental works on this topic were published, the most important of which are the book by X. Arendt "The Origin of Totalitarianism" and the joint monograph by K. Friedrich and Z. Brzezinski "Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy". Based on the study of world totalitarian regimes, Brzezinski singled out the following parameters as the main features of totalitarianism:

The presence of a single mass party headed by a leader-dictator; officially dominant ideology in society;

Monopoly on the media, on the armed forces;

Terrorist police control system;

Centralized system of control and management of the economy.

Totalitarianism (lat. totalis complete, whole) is a type of political system and society characterized by a comprehensive ideologization and politicization of public life, excessive growth of power and its absorption of civil society, lack of individual freedom by pervasive control by the merged party-state apparatus over citizens.

Totalitarian states and regimes are characterized by the nationalization of all legal organizations, the powers of the authorities unlimited by law, the prohibition of democratic organizations, the elimination of constitutional rights and freedoms, the militarization of public life, and the repression of progressive forces and dissidents in general.

The October Revolution of 1917 is celebrated as an important milestone in the system of formation of totalitarian power. The revolution trampled on the ideals of the revolutionaries.

From the moment of the creation of the Soviet state, contrary to the well-known Marxist postulates about the relationship between basic and superstructural structures, the construction of a new society was carried out "from above". Behind the screen of nationality was hidden the narrow interest of those who appropriated the results of the revolution: instead of higher democracy, a dictatorship regime was established, instead of unity of the working people - antagonism of separate groups of urban and rural populations, instead of personal freedom - a system of coercion in the interests of the new elite. By the summer of 1918, the anti-democratic nature of the Soviet government led society to a total confrontation "all against all." A deep internal split in society contributed to the fact that individual armed clashes escalated into a full-scale civil war.

The difficult situation of the Soviet government called out on its part a desperate, merciless form of struggle - mass terror at the front and in its own rear. The Bolshevik regime managed to hold on only by applying emergency measures. In the economy, they switched to "war communism", introduced labor service for all citizens. This was justified by the conditions of devastation, famine, blockade. But the idea of taking steps towards communism was actively introduced, and these utopias captured not only the leaders of the Bolsheviks, but also the masses.

Analyzing the features of Soviet society in the 1920s, historians note that military-communist ideas extended to the further process of nationalization of production. The crisis was felt not only in the economy, but also in the social sphere. Since 1914, human losses have approached 20 million people. In 1922, homeless children reached 7 million people. The NEP was introduced, the positive and negative characteristics are still being debated. In 1921-1922. one of the most devastating famines in world history swept the grain-producing regions, killing up to 8 million people. Only by the mid-1920s did the economy recover. In the 1920s, the CPSU (b) turned into a special organism of Soviet society. A program of "socialist industrialization" was adopted. 1927-1929 known as the years of the "great turning point". The NEP was curtailed, the process of industrialization continued, forced collectivization began in the countryside. A cult of the personality of the leader of the party arose, the foundations of the system called Stalinism began to take shape.

Historians believe that 1929 was the year of the establishment of the Stalinist dictatorship, when "the contours of a different civilization" arose. Stalin created a system of centralized government of the country. Most of the decisions were made by the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks or by the “Master” himself.

The main executive structure was the system of people's commissariats, their local bodies. All the most important leadership positions of the country were included in the so-called nomenklatura lists and were replaced by the decision of the Politburo or local party bodies.

The role of the Soviets became a formality, the principle of election a fiction. The incentive for the exact implementation of the decisions made, the "directives" was the privileged position of the nomenklatura stratum and the threat of repression, from which no one was immune.

In the concept of building socialism, which Stalin adhered to, violence occupied an increasing place. Intimidating the country, Stalin hoped not only to whip up a wave of terror, but also to strengthen the one-man dictatorship

According to the Stalinist concept, the NEPman and the kulak were subject to “liquidation”, and it was impossible to do this without direct violence, just as it was impossible to withdraw the means of accumulation from the population, to move the mass of the population from the countryside to the city, to unite the peasants into collective farms, to establish labor discipline among the peasants who came to factories and plants.

Barracks socialism, which the country was building in accordance with Stalin's plans, required an atmosphere of constant fear. It could only be created through violence. Then the theory of the aggravation of the class struggle as we move towards socialism was born, which justified lawlessness and repression.

Violence and repression were used against all segments of the population. During the implementation of collectivization, more than a million strong peasant farms were forcibly liquidated. Many managed to sell off their property (“dispossessed kulaks”) and fled to the cities. In collective farms, according to the law of 1932, severe punishments were provided for the theft of collective farm property, up to the death penalty. Since the "Shakhty case" (1928), trials have been systematically carried out against various groups of intelligentsia, who were accused of sabotage, espionage, and conspiracies against the Soviet regime. In 1936-1938. repressions reached their peak and on behalf of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs N.I. Yezhov, who zealously carried out the instructions of Stalin, received the name of Yezhovshchina.

The Red Army suffered heavy losses, in which, out of 250 thousand officers, about 50 thousand people were executed, arrested and exiled. Sentences were passed not only by judicial, but also by extrajudicial bodies (special meetings, “troikas”, “twos”). For 1930-1953 about 4 million people passed through the Stalinist repressive machine, of which about a million were killed, mainly during the Yezhovshchina.

The People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs was a powerful system that became the main instrument of Stalin's personal power. Stalin was building a "new state" with feudal cruelty; for its construction, prisoners were needed as a cheap force. By 1940, up to 4 million people were imprisoned in the country, including 2.5 million were camp prisoners. The "population" of the Main Directorate of Camps (GULAG) in the second five-year plan mastered 6-10% of all capital investments in the national economy. Up to 500 thousand were in prisons. About a million accounted for the special settlements of former kulaks and the Bureau of Correctional Works.

But the camps were created, first of all, for the total suppression of the individual, because it is the individual who is the main enemy of any despotic regime. Everyone who was not blindly devoted to the leader, Stalin enrolled in a potential "fifth column". There were also automatically recorded millions of communists and non-party people who participated in the opposition, were dispossessed of kulaks, were persecuted as "saboteurs" or were connected with "enemies of the people" by family or friendly ties.

This motive for destruction was substantiated by references to the presence of lurking enemies; it was actively introduced into the public consciousness in the 1920s and 30s. Intimidating the country, Stalin hoped not only to whip up a wave of terror, but also to strengthen the one-man dictatorship. In addition, the Soviet economy was developing more and more, relying on the use of "cheap" labor, prisoners.

Of particular note is the influence of totalitarianism on the formation of the ideological basis in the USSR, where Stalin played the main role. He became a "theorist", commenting on, explaining and "developing" Lenin. It was ideological food on which millions of people were fed. People absorbed not just political knowledge, they were instilled with the Bolshevik pseudo-culture, intolerance towards everything that was not socialist, not materialistic, not Soviet. This system formed elementary-minded people who blindly believed in the tenets of Lenin's pseudo-religion.

Fed on this food, people believed that genetics and cybernetics were pseudosciences, wars were inevitable, capitalism was doomed, that there was no exploitation of man in the USSR, and so on.

The totalitarianism of the Stalinist system was realized by scientists already in the years of its formation. This was noted, in particular, by Vernadsky in 1941. N.I. Bukharin, while in solitary confinement in prison, wrote lines on the 20th anniversary of the October coup, designed to “gift” life: “... the era publishes the necessary people, and the new steps of history put forward Stalin in his place, the center of gravity of thought and action of which is - the next pass of history, when socialism will triumph under his leadership forever…”. As we can see, even people like N. Bukharin understood the senselessness of any struggle against the personality cult and the established system.

Thus, the society built in the USSR had twofold features - revolutionary, military-communist and centuries-old, traditionally Russian. There was an imposition of the first on the second, while the basis of the new system still lay the traditional features of Russian statehood.

Officially, in the Constitution of 1936, it was said about the victory of socialism and justified this by the fact that private property was liquidated in the country, the social structure changed, there was no exploitation of classes, and a state-planned economy was built. However, Stalinist socialism did not correspond to the classical theory of socialism: the people were alienated from property and power, class exploitation was replaced by even more cruel state exploitation, parliamentary democracy and the rule of law were eliminated, a totalitarian system was established, etc.

In general, the Soviet state is scientifically characterized as totalitarian. It is determined by the presence of: a charismatic ruler (Secretary General, Fuhrer, Duce), who has concentrated all power in his hands; a mass political party through which communication and influence on all sectors of society is carried out; total ideological control of the population; a powerful repressive apparatus; militarization of the economy and society as a whole.

According to N. Berdyaev, the Soviet state “is the only consistent, fully carried out totalitarian state in the world. This is a transformation of the idea of Ivan the Terrible, a new form of the old hypertrophy of the state in Russian history.

The nature of Stalinist totalitarianism is rooted in the dual nature of the bureaucracy that constitutes its social base. As is known, the bureaucracy is not an independent class: it performs a service social function in society. If the working class is in power, it has to reckon with its interests in order to live and function; if the bourgeoisie is in power, then the bureaucracy serves its class interests. Of course, this does not prevent her from having her own interests, which she satisfies at the expense of the privileges of the ruling caste.

In this regard, the Soviet bureaucracy was forced, on the one hand, to protect the interests of the working people who took power during the October Revolution, i.e. to protect the nationalized economy, the planned economy, the power of the Soviets, on the other hand, to undermine the roots of the revolution through the gradual growth of their privileges, the strengthening of bureaucracy, illegal mass repressions and the concentration of power in the hands of one person - Stalin.

As evidenced by the latest historical documents (in particular, the "shooting lists" of hundreds of people who sentenced to death with his signature Stalin), it was not the revolution that "devoured its own children", but Stalin personally and his closest associates destroyed the entire so-called "Leninist guard". It was they who, instead of gradually curtailing the violent function of the state and expanding socialist democracy, created an all-penetrating machine for the destruction of dissidents, instead of a scientific Marxist worldview, they created the religion of communism, according to which the ideal future needs the sacrifices of the present.

The theme of the tragic fate of a Russian person in a totalitarian state in Russian literature of the XX century

The theme of the tragic fate of a Russian person in a totalitarian state arises in Russian literature of the 20th century already in the 20s, when the very formation of this concept was only outlined.

Our literature has spoken its strong and truthful word about Stalinism, about its origins and crimes. The works of Rybakov, Grossman, Dombrovsky, Solzhenitsyn, Dudintsev, Shalamov, Granin, Pristavkin and others were written not only in the name of truth, but also in the name of preventing this black era from returning again.

An important work on the theme of Stalinism is Zamyatin's novel We, written in 1921. The leading theme of the novel is the dramatic fate of the individual in a totalitarian social order. The novel is written in an extraordinary genre of "dystopia". Zamyatin, a shipbuilding engineer by profession, knew better than anyone how a mechanism is created, where cogs are needed for the operation of a single whole. But people, society are not just “cogs” in a complex state machine, but living beings who have their own, one and only life. When a person is turned into a “cog”, he loses his bright, unique individuality and degrades as a person. History has shown that the transformation of people into a set of "cogs" leads to a crime against humanity.

In the novel "We" in a fantastic guise, a possible version of the future society is presented, where the dream of the "powerful of this world" about human robots is realized. The "mathematical perfect life" of the United State is unfolding before us. This is a world without love, without soul, without poetry. The “numbered” person, deprived of a name, was inspired that “our lack of freedom” is “our happiness”, and this “happiness” is in the rejection of one’s “I” and dissolution in the impersonal “we”.

Zamyatin's novel is a warning about the great danger that threatens humanity and comes from the power of machines and the power of the state. Zamyatin, as it were, predicted the events of the history of our country in advance. The writer shows that in a society where everything is aimed at suppressing the individual, where the human "I" is ignored, where the sole power is unlimited, a rebellion is possible. The ability and desire to feel, love, be free in thoughts and actions push people to fight. But the authorities find a way out: with the help of an operation, the center responsible for fantasy is removed from a person - the last thing that made him raise his head proudly, feel reasonable and strong. Still, there is hope that human dignity will not die under any regime. Zamyatin in the novel has an idea that is unusual for many of our contemporaries. The writer insists that there is no ideal society. Life is a pursuit of the ideal. And when this desire is absent, a decaying period of stagnation sets in.

In Russian literature, the tragic events of the real life of the country have been a taboo topic for many years. A poem by O. Mandelstam written back in the 1930s that exposed Stalin, poems about the tragedy of mothers who raised children “for the chopping block, for the dungeon and prison”, A. Akhmatova and her poem “Requiem ”, the story of L. Chukovskaya “Sofya Petrovna” and many other works that have become the property of the reader only in recent decades.

They tried to break the forced conspiracy of silence, to tell the truth about the terrible years of terror, about the tragedy of the individual with their work, writers such as Yuri Dombrovsky, author of the novels "The Keeper of Antiquities", "Faculty of Useless Things" (continuation of the first novel). The writer Varlam Shalamov, a man of tragic fate, addresses this topic for many years in the Kolyma camps. The writer became the author of works of tremendous psychological impact - a kind of Kolyma epic, which showed the merciless truth about the life of people in the camps. Man in inhuman conditions - this is how you can designate the cross-cutting theme of V. Shalamov's Kolyma Tales. Getting into the camp, a person, as it were, loses everything that connects him with a normal human environment, with his previous experience, which is no longer needed. Thus, V. Shalamov developed the concept of "first life" (before the camp) and "second life" - life in the camp.

The writer does not spare the reader. Terrible details appear in his stories that cannot be perceived without mental pain - cold and hunger, sometimes depriving a person of reason, purulent ulcers on the legs, cruel lawlessness of criminals who were considered in the camps "friends of the people" in contrast to political prisoners, primarily intellectuals, who were called "enemies of the people" and who were given full power to criminals.

In his stories, V. Shalamov shows what was worse than cold, hunger and disease - human humiliation, which reduced people to the level of animals. It simply plunges them into a state of non-existence, when all feelings and thoughts leave a person, when life is replaced by "semi-consciousness, existence."

In the story "Sentence", the author analyzes with almost scientific accuracy the state of the victim in this inhuman life, when anger remains the only feeling. When death recedes, and consciousness returns to a person, he is happy to notice that his brain begins to work, a long-forgotten scientific word “maxim” emerges from the depths of memory.

In the story "Typhoid Quarantine" V. Shalamov shows another facet of human humiliation: the willingness to serve the leaders of the thieves' world, to become their lackeys, serfs. These leaders are surrounded by a "crowd of servants", ready to do anything, if only they break off a crust of bread or pour soup. And when in this crowd the hero of the story sees a familiar face - Captain Schneider, a German communist, an expert on Goethe, an educated person who previously supported the spirit of his comrades, and in the camp plays the humiliating role of a "scratcher of heels" at the thief Senechka, he does not want to live. The author describes the experiences of Andreev, the hero of the story: "Although it was a small and not terrible event compared to what he saw and what he was to see, he remembered Captain Schneider forever."

V. Shalamov's stories are not just an artistic document. This is a complete picture of the world, rather of an anti-world, of absurdity, into which a person is thrown by a terrible monster of terror, grinding millions of people. In this anti-world everything is turned upside down. A man dreams of getting out of the camp not to freedom, but to prison. In the story “Tombstone” it is said: “Prison is freedom. This is the only place I know where people, without fear, said whatever they thought. Where did they rest their souls? The work of V. Shalamov became both a historical document and a fact of philosophical understanding of the era. In general, Russian literature of the 20th century revealed the fate of a person in a totalitarian state from the standpoint of humanism, in the traditions of Russian classical literature.

In the wake of "perestroika", A. Rybakov's novel "Children of the Arbat" aroused great interest. This is explained by the fact that the writer for the first time in our literature described in detail and truthfully the psychology of Stalin as a statesman, a man who merged ideas about the good of the people and the good of his own. By own good meant unlimited power, which helped to mercilessly remove from its path all those who did not agree with the regime. "Children of the Arbat" is a novel about the youth of the capital in the 1930s, whose youth passed in the atmosphere of Stalin's personality cult. The author talks about how people manifested themselves in different ways in difficult trials. In the novel, we see a picture of cruelty and fear: every word spoken against could decide the fate of a person, everyone was afraid to express their opinion, to support a comrade at a meeting. Indeed, for many, Stalin was at that time more than an icon.

Stalin is a terrible figure. His victims are innumerable. He was obsessed with the idea of immeasurable power. People for him are only material for achieving the goal. In the novel "Children of the Arbat" Rybakov tries to reveal the psychology of this man. Stalin believed that only suffering evokes the greatest energy. We clearly see those explanations and justifications that allowed him to doom millions of people to suffering and death with a light soul. In his opinion, the people must be forced to make sacrifices for the sake of the future, and this requires a strong government that can inspire fear. This cannibalistic theory only covers the main thing - the desire for unlimited power.

In Children of the Arbat, investigator Dyakov believed "not in real guilt, but in a general version of guilt." He confuses Sasha Pankratov: either plays on his honesty, or intimidates, or promises release. After all, that investigator is “good” who, by persuasion, torture, threats of reprisals against loved ones, with anything, will force him to sign a confession in non-existent crimes. With Rybakov, using the example of Sasha's classmate, Yuri Sharok, we see how people become such executioners.

Unlike Rybakov, Vasily Grossman in the epic novel Life and Fate dwells less on the personality of Stalin himself, and more explores Stalinism as a phenomenon. He carefully examines the system of personal power and general suppression, the psychology of the old Bolsheviks, on whose heads the General Secretary came to power and without whose tacit support he would not have kept it.

The writer creates a whole gallery of images representing the system of Stalinism. These are the executioners, "masters of shoulder work", for example, one of Yezhov's henchmen, the "enthusiast of 37" General Neudobnov. Such people easily committed the most monstrous crimes, and even justified them with the highest interests. There are also high-ranking apparatchiks. For example, Getmanov, one of the secretaries of the regional committee of Ukraine. He appears before the reader as a careerist, a man without principles and biography. The editor of the republican newspaper Sagaydak is also skillfully characterized. He sincerely believed that it was possible and should be silent about the people and the famine, the earthquake and the terrible fire at the mine. The main thing is to "educate the reader". This upbringing turned people into robots. We also meet generals who are capable of killing thousands of soldiers for the sake of a beautiful report (K. Simonov has similar characters). We see "scientists" who, according to the method of Zhdanov and Lysenko, poison talented people devoted to science, accusing them of "opposing themselves to the collective", of "the spirit of reaction and obscurantism" and other "sins". The novel is grandiose in terms of the number of characters, most of which are realistic. Many of them have met recently, and some are still found.

Another type of Grossman's heroes in the novel is represented by Mostovsky, Krymov, Abarchuk. These representatives of the old Bolshevik guard followed with alarm the abnormal phenomena in society, the arrests of their former comrades. But they fettered themselves to party discipline. Such morality forbade them to oppose the "party" line. Feeling its wrongness, they did not find the courage or determination to stand up for the defamed comrades. Many of them remained at the same time internally honest, devoted to the old ideals. But their fanaticism forced them to testify against innocent people, to admit their non-existent crimes, to sanctify lawlessness with their authority. Some did it out of cowardice, others out of blind faith. So, relying on the executioners, careerists and hangers-on, on the one hand, and on the blindly devoted to the Bolshevik party, on the other, Stalin formed his cult. Thanks to the author, I understood what the Stalinist system was based on. The reasoning of the writer and the thoughts put into the mouths of the characters are very deep. They achieve a great power of generalization. Grossman says that one word of a dictator could destroy thousands, tens of thousands of people. Marshal, people's commissar, secretary of the regional committee - people who yesterday commanded armies, republics, regions, today could turn into nothing, into camp dust, clinking bowlers, expect gruel at the camp kitchen.

Published in 1962 "Little Stories" by A.I. Pristavkin, which highlighted one of the central themes in the writer's work - the harsh military and post-war childhood. This theme is revealed in the novels “Soldier and Boy” (1977), “A Golden Cloud Spent the Night” (1987) and “Kukushat, or a Plaintive Song to Calm the Heart” (1989) based on the author’s personal memoirs. Here the heroes are orphanage children, spiritually crippled by the cruelty of the war and Stalinist repressions, but who are capable of moral recovery and opposition to evil, awareness of the crime of theft, the madness of national strife and the healing power of mercy.

The story "A golden cloud spent the night" by Anatoly Pristavkin. In the early 1980s, Pristavkin wrote the story "A golden cloud spent the night." In his work, the author tried to speak frankly about what he himself experienced, and what painfully burned his nerves - the world is not worthy of existence if it kills children.

Anatoly Pristavkin said: “My generation, whether it wanted it or not, absorbed all the impressions of childhood, both good and bad, with all its pores and blood. As it was explained to me later, “The Golden Tuka Spent the Night” is written in slang - a mixture of market, bribed folklore pretty much saturates the fabric of the story. But - what to do - all this is from childhood, all this is true. After all, homelessness in the post-war years and during the war was not such a local phenomenon as it is now, although, as you know, we now have a lot of orphanages and they are overcrowded. But that was, if you can call it that, all-Union homelessness. There were millions of people at the front, millions were repressed. How many children were thrown into the street? Can you imagine? True, then they had no idea whose children they were and why dad didn’t write to them, and mom didn’t come ...

A. Pristavkin recalls his story: “My story lay for a long time in ... a linen closet. I was afraid to take it out. You raised issues that should not be touched, my friends told me. It so happened that at first I publicized "Cloud ..." in this way: I gathered friends and offered to listen to two or three chapters. Disappointment, sour agreement. Then everyone silently dispersed. But at the end, someone said, “Why did you write this? Hide." Then they began to reprint, copy. So people need it."

After the first collective reading of the story in a circle of friends, strange things began: first, a friend came to Pristavkin and asked for the manuscript to read at home, another friend asked for his son, a third for a colleague. By the time of its publication in Znamya magazine, the story had been read by at least 500 people. Once, a complete stranger from Leningrad came to Anatoly Ignatievich's home and said that, at the request of his comrades, he must read the story in order to tell about it at home.

The manuscript somehow without the participation of the author reached Belarus, and at the VIII Congress of Writers of the USSR Ales Adamovich in his speech said a few words in support of it. It was read by many famous writers, poets and critics - all this became a tremendous support for Pristavkin. Then he believed that the story should be published... She went through all the "thick magazine" circles, and it took a long time to find an editor who could take responsibility, was not afraid of her own prejudices, her own inner reinsurer, who, unfortunately, still sits in many and the story was printed.

The story was published in 1987 by Georgy Baklanov, a front-line writer, who shortly before was appointed editor-in-chief of the Znamya magazine. Readers were surprised, excited, stunned. About orphanages have been written more than once and in different ways. But no one wrote the way A. Pristavkin wrote.

His "orphanage" works are pictures of a terrible, inhuman reality. They fit into the general nightmares that the country experienced in the 1930s and 1940s. Explaining the title of his new story, A. Pristavkin speaks about children like him, orphanages of the war years, about their unprotected, unprotected life: “We are clouds ... A wet trail ... There were and are not.” This is the theme of people who are unsettled in life, ragged. Now it sounded even more powerful. The author does not correct his memory, selecting only what is convenient from the past, he tries to accurately restore the events, not bypassing the dark, unsightly, which does not decorate either a person or society.

But always and everywhere there will be people who will oppose this author, society, works about the terrible life of children during the war. After the publication of the story, Pristavkin began to receive letters. They came in dozens. They contain indignation, reproaches, even indignation ...

So, for example, one of the Stalinists, Alexander Nikolaevich Borisov from the city of Rostov-on-Don, wrote in a letter to A. Pristavkin that he hates everyone, the entire Soviet people:

“What kind of hatred do you need to have for disadvantaged children, for the Soviet people and our system in order to write such a libel ... I read a lot about orphanages and other children's institutions, later I myself worked in a special school where there were difficult children, for over 25 years, but nowhere never met this...

The first director is a flayer, a crook.

The second is a coward and "dumb".

The carriage conductor is a swindler, a grabber, a bandit.

The Red Army soldiers are flayers, murderers, swindlers.

Population (market) - villains, knackers.

The teachers are faceless, except for Regina Petrovna ...

War veterans are alcoholics, knackers, scumbags.

The only bright spot is Vera the driver, but the author got scared and soon killed her.

I don’t think that glasnost involves digging in garbage pits, which is the story of Pristavkin ... I immediately saw that this was a vile libel on our life. And what will a young man learn by reading it? .. "

Another reader turned to A. Pristavkin with the words: “... anger and hatred overcome the author of the story, how else to understand him when he writes: “I showed the rear, which turned out to be worse than war: gangs, speculation, violence against children, a cruel system of relations” . And such a writer receives the State Prize of the USSR! Truly miracles happen; Wasn’t this “engineer of human souls” born on the wave of anti-Stalinist propaganda?!”

M.I. Kravchuk wrote in a letter to Pristavkin: “I believe that the publication of such works is contrary to the interests of our society and undermines the foundations of our state. The policy of glasnost was proclaimed in order to ultimately bring benefits to the state... The authors do not understand the dialectics of historical processes, their position is characterized by groundless idealism. They do not understand that there is an objective law of interaction, self-organization of systems. Just as a large and strong amoeba, securing its future and place under the sun, devours small and weak amoebas, so large and strong peoples absorb, assimilate and displace small and weak peoples ... I understand that you will not publish my letter, since it contains information, not subject to disclosure, and I do not insist on this. I just want you to keep in mind everything that I wrote and take it into account in future work.

The writer Lev Anninsky said: “A golden cloud spent the night ...” I read that has not yet been published. Never before or since have I experienced such a shock from reading! The story of homeless children who were evacuated to Chechnya during the war, just at the time when the indigenous people were deported from Chechnya ... When I read this, Chechnya had not yet become the most problematic point in Russia, but Anatoly Pristavkin already felt this problem somehow sometimes with his unheard-of literary and human instinct. The exiled Chechens, in response, began to hate these Russian boys, who unwittingly found themselves in the epicenter of enmity and hatred. Although what could these Russian boys left without parents be responsible for? It shocked me even then, but I thought then, in the late 80s: “No, everything will work out!” No, it didn't work... Hatred was sown, and it still had to be eradicated, but at what cost... While reading Anatoly Pristavkin, I felt for the first time the abyss into which we were slipping. It is not enough to expose communism. All this is one terrible tangle! And Anatoly Pristavkin knew this.

Fortunately, good literature has one unusual feature. You just need to touch it, get a good book from the shelf - and you are already joining something most important in life. Neither television nor video - nothing can replace this feeling of truth. A person can deafen himself with music, drugs, pornography, but in every person, if he is still alive, there is always a need to search for the truth. And the book is a field of such search.

And although at that moment many manuscripts that had been hiding in tables for years appeared before the reader, the work of Anatoly Pristavkin immediately took a firm place in Russian literature. And the point is not only that the author was the first to show how the forcible deportation of an entire people took place - being a witness of those tragic events, he managed to create a wise and kind work.

Pristavkin was the first to show how the forcible deportation of an entire people took place - being a witness to those tragic events, he managed to create a wise and kind work. Anatoly Ignatievich spoke about what he himself felt when he was sent to the Caucasus, known to the boy only by the drawing on the box of Kazbek cigarettes - a mountaineer on a horse, in a cloak and snowy peaks behind his powerful shoulders. A war against an entire nation, seen through the eyes of a child who does not understand the meaning or purpose of what is happening. The main advantage of the story is that it is the children's consciousness and actions of the orphanage child, who was mocked by a whole cohort of all kinds of "educators", turn out to be cleaner, nobler, wiser than the consciousness and actions of thousands of adults blinded by rage and mercilessly destroying each other. The golden cloud is the soul of the child, purity and insecurity. This is an enchanting vision that warms the heart and makes it beat in alarm.

The story “A golden cloud spent the night” was filmed at the Gorky Film Studio by director Sulambek Mamilov, an Ingush who in real life experienced all the events described by the author. This picture became his fate and pain. The story "A Golden Cloud Spent the Night" received worldwide recognition - within a few years after its release, it was translated into more than 30 languages, its total circulation amounted to 4.5 million copies in Russia alone, and Anatoly Pristavkin became a laureate of the USSR State Prize in 1987.

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