Who was part of the white movement. "White" army: goals, driving forces, fundamental ideas

The White movement or “whites” is a politically heterogeneous force formed at the first stage of the Civil War. The main goals of the “whites” are the fight against the Bolsheviks.

The movement was made up of adherents of various political forces: socialists, monarchists, republicans. The "Whites" united around the idea of ​​a great and indivisible Russia and existed simultaneously with other anti-Bolshevik forces.

Historians offer several versions of the origin of the term "White movement":

• During the French Revolution, white was chosen by monarchists who opposed the ideals of the revolution. This color symbolized the royal dynasty of France. The use of white reflected political views. Thus, the researchers deduce the origin of the name from the ideals of the members of the movement. There is an opinion that the Bolsheviks called “white” all opponents of the revolutionary changes of 1917, although among them were not only monarchists.
• The second version is that during the October Revolution, opponents of the revolution used former armbands. It is believed that this is what gave the name to the movement.

There are several versions of the time of the birth of the White movement:

• The spring of 1917 is an opinion based on the recollections of some eyewitnesses of the events. A. Denikin argued that the movement was born in response to the Mogilev Officers' Congress, where the slogan "Save the Fatherland!" Was proclaimed. The main idea behind the birth of such a movement was the preservation of Russian statehood, the salvation of the army.
• Politician and historian P. Milyukov argued that the White movement consolidated in the summer of 1917 as an anti-Bolshevik front. Ideologically, the bulk of the movement are Cadets and socialists. The beginning of the active actions of the “whites” is called the Kornilov performance in August 1917, the leaders of which later became the most famous figures of the White movement in the South of Russia.

The phenomenon of the White movement - it consolidated scattered, hostile political forces, the main idea of ​​​​which was state-centrism.

The basis of the “whites” is the officers of the Russian army, professional military. An important place among the Whites was occupied by peasants, from whom some of the leaders of the movement came. There were representatives of the clergy, the bourgeoisie, the Cossacks, the intelligentsia. The political backbone is the Cadets, the monarchists.

The political goals of the "whites":

• The destruction of the Bolsheviks, whose power the "whites" considered illegal and anarchic. The movement fought for the restoration of the pre-revolutionary order.
• The struggle for an indivisible Russia.
• Convocation and start of work of the People's Assembly, which should be based on the protection of statehood, universal suffrage.
• Fight for freedom of belief.
• The elimination of all economic problems, the solution of the agrarian question in favor of the people of Russia.
• Formation of active and active local authorities and granting them broad rights in self-government.

Historian S. Volkov notes that the ideology of the "whites" was, in general, moderately monarchical. The researcher notes that the "whites" did not have a clear political program, but only defended their values. The emergence of the White Guard movement was a normal reaction to the chaos reigning in the state.

There was no consensus on the political structure of Russia among the “whites”. The movement planned to overthrow the criminal, in their opinion, the Bolshevik regime and decide the future of statehood during the National Constituent Assembly.

Researchers note the evolution in the ideals of the "whites": at the first stage of the struggle, they sought only to preserve the statehood and integrity of Russia, starting from the second stage, this desire turned into the idea of ​​overthrowing all the achievements of the revolution.

In the occupied territories, the "whites" established a military dictatorship; within these state entities, the laws of the pre-revolutionary period were in force with the changes introduced by the Provisional Government. Some laws were adopted directly in the occupied territories. In foreign policy, the "whites" were guided by the idea of ​​maintaining obligations to the allied countries. First of all, this concerns the countries of the Entente.

Stages of activity of the "whites":

At the first stage (1917 - early 1918), the movement developed rapidly, he managed to seize the strategic initiative. In 1917, there was still practically no social support and funding. Gradually, underground White Guard organizations were formed, the core of which was made up of officers of the former tsarist army. This stage can be called the period of formation and formation of the structure of the movement and the main ideas. The first phase was successful for the "whites". The main reason is the high level of training of the army, while the "red" army was unprepared, fragmented.

In 1918 there was a change in the balance of power. At the beginning of the stage, the “whites” received social support in the form of peasants who were not satisfied with the economic policy of the Bolsheviks. Some officer organizations began to emerge from the underground. An example of a vivid anti-Bolshevik struggle was the uprising of the Czechoslovak Corps.

At the end of 1918 - the beginning of 1919 - the time of active support of the "white" states of the Entente. The military potential of the "whites" was gradually strengthened.

Since 1919, the “whites” have been losing the support of foreign invaders, and have been defeated by the Red Army. The military dictatorships founded earlier fell under the onslaught of the "Reds". The actions of the "whites" were not successful due to a complex of economic, political and social reasons. Since the 1920s, the term "whites" has been applied to emigrants.

Many political forces, consolidated around the idea of ​​fighting Bolshevism, formed the White movement, which became a serious opponent of the "Red" revolutionaries.

In the civil war against the Bolsheviks came a variety of forces. They were Cossacks, nationalists, democrats, monarchists. All of them, despite their differences, served the White cause. Defeated, the leaders of the anti-Soviet forces either died or were able to emigrate.

Alexander Kolchak

Although the resistance to the Bolsheviks never became fully united, it was Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak (1874-1920) who is considered by many historians to be the main figure of the White movement. He was a professional soldier and served in the Navy. In peacetime, Kolchak became famous as a polar explorer and oceanographer.

Like other military personnel, Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak gained rich experience during the Japanese campaign and the First World War. With the coming to power of the Provisional Government, he briefly emigrated to the United States. When news of the Bolshevik coup came from his homeland, Kolchak returned to Russia.

The admiral arrived in Siberian Omsk, where the Socialist-Revolutionary government made him Minister of War. In 1918, the officers made a coup, and Kolchak was named the Supreme Ruler of Russia. Other leaders of the White movement did not then have such large forces as Alexander Vasilyevich (he had a 150,000-strong army at his disposal).

In the territory under his control, Kolchak restored the legislation of the Russian Empire. Moving from Siberia to the west, the army of the Supreme Ruler of Russia advanced to the Volga region. At the peak of their success, the Whites were already approaching Kazan. Kolchak tried to pull over as many Bolshevik forces as possible in order to clear Denikin's road to Moscow.

In the second half of 1919 the Red Army launched a massive offensive. The Whites retreated farther and farther to Siberia. Foreign allies (Czechoslovak Corps) handed over Kolchak, who was traveling east on a train, to the Socialist-Revolutionaries. The admiral was shot in Irkutsk in February 1920.

Anton Denikin

If in the east of Russia Kolchak was at the head of the White Army, then in the south Anton Ivanovich Denikin (1872-1947) was the key commander for a long time. Born in Poland, he went to study in the capital and became a staff officer.

Then Denikin served on the border with Austria. He spent the First World War in the army of Brusilov, participated in the famous breakthrough and operation in Galicia. The provisional government briefly made Anton Ivanovich commander of the Southwestern Front. Denikin supported the Kornilov rebellion. After the failure of the coup, the lieutenant-general was imprisoned for some time (Bykhov's seat).

Released in November 1917, Denikin began to support the White Cause. Together with Generals Kornilov and Alekseev, he created (and then single-handedly led) the Volunteer Army, which became the backbone of resistance to the Bolsheviks in southern Russia. It was on Denikin that the Entente countries staked, declaring war on Soviet power after its separate peace with Germany.

For some time, Denikin was in conflict with the Don chieftain Peter Krasnov. Under the pressure of the allies, he submitted to Anton Ivanovich. In January 1919, Denikin became the commander-in-chief of the All-Union Socialist Republic of Russia - the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. His army cleared the Kuban, the Don region, Tsaritsyn, Donbass, Kharkov from the Bolsheviks. Denikin's offensive bogged down in Central Russia.

VSYUR retreated to Novocherkassk. From there, Denikin moved to the Crimea, where in April 1920, under pressure from opponents, he transferred his powers to Pyotr Wrangel. This was followed by a trip to Europe. In exile, the general wrote a memoir, Essays on Russian Troubles, in which he tried to answer the question of why the White movement was defeated. In the civil war, Anton Ivanovich blamed only the Bolsheviks. He refused to support Hitler and was critical of the collaborators. After the defeat of the Third Reich, Denikin changed his place of residence and moved to the United States, where he died in 1947.

Lavr Kornilov

The organizer of the unsuccessful coup, Lavr Georgievich Kornilov (1870-1918), was born into the family of a Cossack officer, which predetermined his military career. As a scout, he served in Persia, Afghanistan and India. In the war, having been captured by the Austrians, the officer fled to his homeland.

At first, Lavr Georgievich Kornilov supported the Provisional Government. He considered the left to be the main enemies of Russia. Being a supporter of strong power, he began to prepare an anti-government speech. His campaign against Petrograd failed. Kornilov, along with his supporters, was arrested.

With the onset of the October Revolution, the general was released. He became the first commander in chief of the Volunteer Army in southern Russia. In February 1918, Kornilov organized the First Kuban to Yekaterinodar. This operation has become legendary. All the leaders of the White movement in the future tried to be equal to the pioneers. Kornilov died tragically during the shelling of Yekaterinodar.

Nikolai Yudenich

General Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich (1862-1933) was one of Russia's most successful military leaders in the war against Germany and its allies. He led the headquarters of the Caucasian army during its battles with the Ottoman Empire. Having come to power, Kerensky dismissed the military leader.

With the onset of the October Revolution, Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich lived illegally in Petrograd for some time. At the beginning of 1919 he moved to Finland with forged documents. The Russian Committee, which met in Helsinki, proclaimed him commander-in-chief.

Yudenich established a relationship with Alexander Kolchak. Having coordinated his actions with the admiral, Nikolai Nikolayevich unsuccessfully tried to enlist the support of the Entente and Mannerheim. In the summer of 1919, he received the portfolio of minister of war in the so-called Northwestern government formed in Reval.

In autumn, Yudenich organized a campaign against Petrograd. Basically, the White movement in the civil war operated on the outskirts of the country. Yudenich's army, on the contrary, tried to liberate the capital (as a result, the Bolshevik government moved to Moscow). She occupied Tsarskoe Selo, Gatchina and went to the Pulkovo Heights. Trotsky was able to transfer reinforcements to Petrograd by rail, which nullified all attempts by the whites to get the city.

By the end of 1919, Yudenich retreated to Estonia. A few months later he emigrated. The general spent some time in London, where he was visited by Winston Churchill. Getting used to defeat, Yudenich settled in France and retired from politics. He died in Cannes from pulmonary tuberculosis.

Alexey Kaledin

When the October Revolution broke out, Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin (1861-1918) was the chieftain of the Don army. He was elected to this post a few months before the events in Petrograd. In the Cossack cities, primarily in Rostov, sympathy for the socialists was strong. Ataman, on the contrary, considered the Bolshevik coup to be criminal. Having received disturbing news from Petrograd, he defeated the Soviets in the Donskoy Host Region.

Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin acted from Novocherkassk. In November, another white general, Mikhail Alekseev, arrived there. Meanwhile, the Cossacks in their mass hesitated. Many front-line soldiers, tired of the war, responded vividly to the slogans of the Bolsheviks. Others were neutral towards the Leninist government. Almost no one felt hostility towards the socialists.

Having lost hope of restoring contact with the overthrown Provisional Government, Kaledin took decisive steps. He declared independence. In response, the Rostov Bolsheviks revolted. Ataman, having enlisted the support of Alekseev, suppressed this speech. First blood was shed on the Don.

At the end of 1917, Kaledin gave the green light to the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Volunteer Army. Two parallel forces appeared in Rostov. On the one hand, it was the Volunteer generals, on the other - local Cossacks. The latter increasingly sympathized with the Bolsheviks. In December, the Red Army occupied the Donbass and Taganrog. The Cossack units, meanwhile, finally decomposed. Realizing that his own subordinates did not want to fight the Soviet regime, the ataman committed suicide.

Ataman Krasnov

After Kaledin's death, the Cossacks did not long sympathize with the Bolsheviks. When yesterday's front-line soldiers were established on the Don, they quickly hated the Reds. Already in May 1918, an uprising broke out on the Don.

Pyotr Krasnov (1869-1947) became the new chieftain of the Don Cossacks. During the war with Germany and Austria, he, like many other white generals, participated in the glorious. The military always treated the Bolsheviks with disgust. It was he who, on the orders of Kerensky, tried to recapture Petrograd from Lenin's supporters when the October Revolution had just taken place. A small detachment of Krasnov occupied Tsarskoe Selo and Gatchina, but soon the Bolsheviks surrounded and disarmed it.

After the first failure, Peter Krasnov was able to move to the Don. Having become the ataman of the anti-Soviet Cossacks, he refused to obey Denikin and tried to pursue an independent policy. In particular, Krasnov established friendly relations with the Germans.

Only when the surrender was announced in Berlin did the isolated ataman submit to Denikin. The Commander-in-Chief of the Volunteer Army did not long tolerate a dubious ally. In February 1919, under pressure from Denikin, Krasnov left for Yudenich's army in Estonia. From there he emigrated to Europe.

Like many leaders of the White movement, who found themselves in exile, the former Cossack ataman dreamed of revenge. Hatred of the Bolsheviks pushed him to support Hitler. The Germans made Krasnov the head of the Cossacks in the occupied Russian territories. After the defeat of the Third Reich, the British extradited Pyotr Nikolaevich to the USSR. In the Soviet Union, he was tried and sentenced to capital punishment. Krasnov was executed.

Ivan Romanovsky

The military leader Ivan Pavlovich Romanovsky (1877-1920) in the tsarist era was a participant in the war with Japan and Germany. In 1917, he supported the speech of Kornilov and, together with Denikin, served his arrest in the city of Bykhov. Having moved to the Don, Romanovsky participated in the formation of the first organized anti-Bolshevik detachments.

The general was appointed Denikin's deputy and led his headquarters. It is believed that Romanovsky had a great influence on his boss. In his will, Denikin even named Ivan Pavlovich his successor in the event of an unforeseen death.

Due to his directness, Romanovsky was in conflict with many other military leaders in the Dobrarmia, and then in the All-Union Socialist Republic. The white movement in Russia treated him ambiguously. When Denikin was replaced by Wrangel, Romanovsky left all his posts and left for Istanbul. In the same city, he was killed by lieutenant Mstislav Kharuzin. The shooter, who also served in the White Army, explained his action by the fact that he blamed Romanovsky for the defeat of the All-Russian Union of Socialist Rights in the civil war.

Sergey Markov

In the Volunteer Army, Sergei Leonidovich Markov (1878-1918) became a cult hero. A regiment and colored military units were named after him. Markov became known for his tactical talent and his own bravery, which he demonstrated in every battle with the Red Army. Members of the White movement treated the memory of this general with particular trepidation.

The military biography of Markov in the tsarist era was typical for an officer of that time. He participated in the Japanese campaign. On the German front, he commanded an infantry regiment, then became the head of the headquarters of several fronts. In the summer of 1917, Markov supported the Kornilov rebellion and, along with other future white generals, was under arrest in Bykhov.

At the beginning of the civil war, the military moved to the south of Russia. He was one of the founders of the Volunteer Army. Markov made a great contribution to the White cause in the First Kuban campaign. On the night of April 16, 1918, with a small detachment of volunteers, he captured Medvedovka, an important railway station, where the volunteers destroyed a Soviet armored train, and then escaped from the encirclement and escaped persecution. The result of the battle was the salvation of Denikin's army, which had just made an unsuccessful assault on Yekaterinodar and was on the verge of defeat.

Markov's feat made him a hero for the Whites and a sworn enemy for the Reds. Two months later, the talented general took part in the Second Kuban Campaign. Near the town of Shablievka, its units ran into superior enemy forces. At a fateful moment for himself, Markov found himself in an open place, where he equipped an observation post. Fire was opened on the position from a Red Army armored train. A grenade exploded near Sergei Leonidovich, which inflicted a mortal wound on him. A few hours later, on June 26, 1918, the military man died.

Pyotr Wrangel

(1878-1928), also known as the Black Baron, came from a noble family with Baltic German roots. Before joining the military, he received an engineering education. The craving for military service, however, prevailed, and Peter went to study as a cavalryman.

Wrangel's debut campaign was the war with Japan. During the First World War, he served in the Horse Guards. He distinguished himself by several exploits, for example, by capturing a German battery. Once on the Southwestern Front, the officer took part in the famous Brusilov breakthrough.

During the days of the February Revolution, Pyotr Nikolaevich called for troops to be sent to Petrograd. For this, the Provisional Government removed him from service. The Black Baron moved to a dacha in the Crimea, where he was arrested by the Bolsheviks. The nobleman managed to escape only thanks to the pleas of his own wife.

As for an aristocrat and a supporter of the monarchy, for Wrangel the White Idea was an uncontested position during the years of the civil war. He joined Denikin. The commander served in the Caucasian army, led the capture of Tsaritsyn. After the defeats of the White Army during the march on Moscow, Wrangel began to criticize his boss Denikin. The conflict led to the general's temporary departure to Istanbul.

Soon Pyotr Nikolaevich returned to Russia. In the spring of 1920, he was elected commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Crimea became its key base. The peninsula turned out to be the last white bastion of the civil war. Wrangel's army repulsed several attacks of the Bolsheviks, but in the end was defeated.

In exile, the Black Baron lived in Belgrade. He created and headed the ROVS - the Russian All-Military Union, then transferring these powers to one of the Grand Dukes, Nikolai Nikolayevich. Shortly before his death, working as an engineer, Pyotr Wrangel moved to Brussels. There he died suddenly of tuberculosis in 1928.

Andrey Shkuro

Andrei Grigoryevich Shkuro (1887-1947) was a native Kuban Cossack. In his youth, he went on a gold-digging expedition to Siberia. In the war with Kaiser's Germany, Shkuro created a partisan detachment, nicknamed the "Wolf Hundred" for its prowess.

In October 1917, the Cossack was elected to the Kuban Regional Rada. Being a monarchist by conviction, he reacted negatively to the news about the coming to power of the Bolsheviks. Shkuro began to fight the red commissars when many leaders of the White movement had not yet had time to make a loud statement about themselves. In July 1918, Andrei Grigoryevich with his detachment expelled the Bolsheviks from Stavropol.

In the fall, the Cossack became the head of the 1st Officer Kislovodsk Regiment, then the Caucasian Cavalry Division. Shkuro's boss was Anton Ivanovich Denikin. In Ukraine, the military defeated the detachment of Nestor Makhno. Then he took part in a campaign against Moscow. Shkuro fought for Kharkov and Voronezh. In this city, his campaign bogged down.

Retreating from the army of Budyonny, the lieutenant general reached Novorossiysk. From there he sailed to the Crimea. In the army of Wrangel, Shkuro did not take root due to a conflict with the Black Baron. As a result, the white commander ended up in exile even before the complete victory of the Red Army.

Shkuro lived in Paris and Yugoslavia. When World War II began, he, like Krasnov, supported the Nazis in their fight against the Bolsheviks. Shkuro was an SS Gruppenführer and in this capacity fought with the Yugoslav partisans. After the defeat of the Third Reich, he tried to break into the territory occupied by the British. In Linz, Austria, the British handed over Shkuro along with many other officers. The white commander was tried together with Peter Krasnov and sentenced to death.

Slogans: "Let's die for the Motherland"

"Fatherland or Death"

"Better death than the death of Russia"

Composition: representatives of the officers of the Cossacks, the bourgeoisie, the nobility, bureaucracy, the intelligentsia, the prosperous peasantry.

Common goals: - the destruction of Bolshevism

- convening a Constituent Assembly

- restoration of a powerful united Russia

Features: - lack of a single universally recognized leader

- there is no unity in the future structure of the country

– lack of a clear program of action

- heterogeneity of the composition in terms of views, party affiliation and origin.

Kolchak Alexander Vasilyevich (1874, Alexandrovskoye village, St. Petersburg, died - 1920, Irkutsk). Born into the family of a naval artillery officer. A good home education, a classical gymnasium and the Naval Cadet Corps, which Kolchak graduated from among the first in 1894, gave him an excellent knowledge of three European languages, the history of the fleet and instilled an interest in the exact sciences. Since 1895, Kolchak has served in the Navy. In 1896–1899 he served on a cruiser and went to the Pacific Ocean: “The main task was purely combatant on a ship, but, in addition, I specially worked in oceanography and hydrology. Since that time, I began to engage in scientific work. Promoted to lieutenant, Kolchak participated in the polar expedition of E. V. Toll in 1900-1902 and was presented by the Russian Geographical Society to the large Konstantinovsky gold medal and was elected Fig. 1 A. V. Kolchak is a full member of the Society. One of the islands of the Kara Sea was named after Kolchak.

During the Russo-Japanese War he commanded a destroyer; successfully engaged in the setting of a minefield; commanded a coastal artillery battery until the fall of Port Arthur. Wounded and ill with rheumatism, Kolchak was released from Japanese captivity in 1905 and returned to St. Petersburg, where he was awarded orders and a golden saber "For Courage". In 1906, Kolchak was appointed head of the Naval General Staff. Anticipating the inevitability of war with Germany, he tried to obtain appropriations for the implementation of the shipbuilding program, for which, as an expert on naval issues, he participated in the work of the III State Duma, but failed and returned to scientific work. Kolchak took part in the design of special icebreaking ships. In 1909, Kolchak's largest work, The Ice of the Kara and Siberian Seas, was published. In 1909-1910, Kolchak participated in an expedition to the Bering Strait, in 1910 he was recalled to St. Petersburg to continue work on the shipbuilding program. Kolchak argued the need to reorganize the Naval General Staff and demanded the elimination of parallel institutions that were not subordinate to each other, which strengthened the commander's autocracy. In 1912, Alexander Vasilievich transferred to the Baltic Fleet.

With the outbreak of the First World War, Kolchak practically led the naval operations in the Baltic, successfully blocking the actions of the German fleet: he carried out the tactics of amphibious assault developed by him, attacked the caravans of German merchant ships. In 1916 he was appointed commander of the Black Sea Fleet and promoted to vice admiral. Having learned about the February Revolution, he regarded it as an opportunity to bring the war to a victorious end, considering it "the most important and most important thing, standing above everything - both the form of government and political considerations." Faced with a "new discipline" based on class consciousness, Kolchak defined it as "the disintegration and destruction of the Russian armed force". In July 1917, having transferred his powers to Rear Admiral V.K. Lukin, Kolchak came to Petrograd to A.F. Kerensky and was sent as head of the naval military mission to the United States. Having learned in San Francisco about the October Revolution, he did not consider it worthy of attention. In November 1917, in Japan, Kolchak learned about the intention of the Soviet government to sign peace with Germany and decided not to return to his homeland: “As an admiral of the Russian fleet, I considered our allied obligations with respect to Germany to remain in full force.” Kolchak was accepted into the British service and in 1918 began the formation of the armed forces to fight the "German-Bolsheviks".

In November 1918 he arrived in Omsk, where he was appointed military and naval minister of the government of the Socialist-Revolutionary Directory. In December 1918, Kolchak staged a coup, declaring himself the "Supreme Ruler of Russia", and set himself the goal of "victory over Bolshevism and the establishment of law and order." Possessing half of the gold reserves of Russia, having received the military support of England, France, Japan, the United States, he led a successful struggle in Siberia, the Urals and the Far East. By the spring of 1919, up to 400 thousand people were in the Kolchak army. His authority was recognized by A. I. Denikin, N. N. Yudenich, E. K. Miller.

Restoring private ownership of enterprises and land, Kolchak granted the right to the commanders of military districts to close the press, to issue death sentences, which caused resistance in Kolchak's rear. Finnish General K. Mannerheim suggested that Kolchak send 100,000 troops to Petrograd. army in exchange for the independence of Finland, but Kolchak, who advocated a "united and indivisible" Russia, refused. By the summer of 1919, the main grouping of Kolchak's troops was defeated. Kolchak's course towards the restoration of the pre-revolutionary order led to a mass partisan movement. Defeated, Kolchak transferred power to A.I. Denikin and Ataman G.M. Semenov, on January 15. 1920 Kolchak was arrested by the Czechoslovaks, who handed him over to the SR-Menshevik "Political Center". After the transfer of power to the Bolshevik Military Revolutionary Committee, at the secret proposal of V.I. Lenin, the Irkutsk Revolutionary Committee decided to shoot Kolchak. Kolchak's body was lowered into the hole.

Denikin Anton Ivanovich (1872, village of Shpetal Dolny, Warsaw province - 1947, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA) - military figure, one of the leaders of the white movement. Born into a poor family of a retired major, in the past a serf. In 1882-1890 he studied at the Lovichsky real school and showed brilliant abilities in mathematics. Since childhood, dreaming of military service, in 1892 he graduated from the Kiev Infantry Junker School. In 1899 he graduated from the Academy of the General Staff and was promoted to captain. In 1898 in a military journal. "Scout" was the first story published by Denikin, after which he worked a lot in military journalism. He expressed the essence of his political sympathies as follows: “1) Constitutional monarchy, 2) Radical reforms and 3) Peaceful ways of renewing the country. I conveyed these worldviews inviolably until the revolution of 1917, without taking an active part in politics and devoting all my strength and labor to the army. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, he showed excellent qualities as a combat officer, rising to the rank of colonel, and was awarded two orders. He reacted extremely negatively to the revolution of 1905, but welcomed the Manifesto of October 17, considering it the beginning of transformations. He believed that the reforms of P. A. Stolypin would be able to resolve the main issue of Russia - the peasant one. Denikin served successfully and in 1914 was promoted to major general.

With the outbreak of the First World War, he commanded a brigade, a division. The valor of Denikin, shown in battles, the highest awards (two St. George's crosses, St. George's weapons, decorated with diamonds) lifted him to the top of the military hierarchy. The February Revolution of 1917 stunned Denikin: "We were not at all prepared either for such an unexpectedly quick denouement, or for the forms that it took." Denikin was appointed Assistant Chief of Staff to the Supreme Commander, commanded the Western, then the Southwestern Front. In an effort to contain the collapse of the empire, he demanded the introduction of the death penalty not only at the front, but also in the rear. I saw a strong personality in L. G. Kornilov and supported his rebellion, for which he was arrested. Released by N. N. Dukhonin, Denikin, like other generals, fled to the Don, where, along with M. V. Alekseev, L. G. Kornilov, A. M. Kaledin, he was engaged in the formation of the Volunteer Army. Participated in the 1st Kuban ("Ice") campaign.

After the death of Kornilov in 1918, he took the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. With an army of 85,000, material assistance from England, France, and the United States, Denikin hatched plans for the capture of Moscow. Taking advantage of the fact that the main forces of the Red Army fought against A. V. Kolchak, Denikin in the spring of 1919 launched the Volunteer Army on the offensive. In the summer of 1919, Denikin occupied the Donbass, reached a strategically important line: Tsaritsyn, Kharkov, Poltava. In October, he took Orel and threatened Tula, but Denikin could not overcome the remaining 200 miles to Moscow. The mass mobilization of the population into Denikin's army, robberies, violence, the establishment of military discipline at militarized enterprises, and most importantly, the restoration of the landlords' property rights to land doomed Denikin to failure. Denikin was personally honest, but his declarative and vague statements could not captivate the people. Denikin's position was aggravated by internal contradictions between him and the Cossack elite, who aspired to separatism and did not want the restoration of "one and indivisible Russia."

The struggle for power between Kolchak and Denikin prevented coordinated military operations. Denikin's army, suffering heavy losses, was forced to retreat. In 1920, Denikin evacuated the remnants of his army to the Crimea and on April 4. 1920 left Russia on an English destroyer. Lived in England. Having abandoned the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks, Denikin wrote a 5-volume memoir-study "Essays on Russian Troubles", an important source on the history of the civil war. Financial difficulties forced Denikin to wander around Europe. In 1931, he completed work on a major military-historical study, The Old Army. After Hitler came to power, Denikin declared that it was necessary to support the Red Army, which, after the defeat of the Nazis, could be used to "overthrow the communist regime." He spoke out with the condemnation of emigrant organizations that collaborated with Nazi Germany. In 1945, under the influence of rumors about the possibility of forced deportation to the USSR, the United States emigrated. Denikin worked on the book. "The Way of the Russian Officer" and "The Second World War. Russia and Abroad”, which he did not have time to complete. Died of a heart attack.

Kornilov Lavr Georgievich (1870-1918) - General of Infantry. The son of a retired Cossack officer. He graduated from the Siberian Cadet Corps, the Mikhailovsky Artillery School and the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff (1898). From the school he went to the Turkestan artillery brigade. After graduating from the academy, he served from 1889 to 1904 in the Turkestan military district as an assistant to the senior adjutant of the district headquarters, and then as a staff officer for assignments at the headquarters. While serving in the Turkestan district, he made a number of long research and reconnaissance expeditions in East Turkestan (Sinkiang), Afghanistan and Persia, during which he mastered the local languages ​​well. Lieutenant Colonel Kornilov edited the secret edition of the district headquarters -

"Information concerning countries adjacent to the Turkestan military district" and published a number of works, including "Kashgaria, or East Turkestan". At the beginning of the Russo-Japanese War, he was on a business trip in Balochistan, India. He obtained permission to join the active army and from September 1904 to May 1, 1906, he served as a staff officer in the management (headquarters) of the 1st Infantry Brigade, where he was actually the chief of staff of the brigade. In February 1905, during the retreat from Mukden, he covered the retreat of the army, being with the brigade in the rearguard. Surrounded by the Japanese in the village of Vazye, he broke through the encirclement with a bayonet attack and led the brigade with units attached to it to join the army. He was awarded many orders, including the Order of St. George of the 4th degree, the St. George weapon and promoted to the "rank of colonel for military distinctions." From May 1906 to April 1907 he served in the department of the 1st Chief Quartermaster of the Main Directorate of the General Staff. On April 1, 1907, he was appointed agent (military attache) in China, where he stayed until February 24, 1911, after which he was appointed commander of the 8th Estland Infantry Regiment.

After a short tenure as head of a detachment in the Zaamursky border district, in December 1912 he was promoted to major general and appointed brigade commander of the 9th Siberian Rifle Division. He went to the front of the First World War as a brigade commander of the 48th Infantry Division and in August 1914, after the first battles, he was appointed head of this division, the 48th division under his command fought in all battles in Galicia and the Carpathians as part of the 8th Army General Brusilov. Already for the battles in August 1914 he was promoted to lieutenant general. At the end of April 1915, during the general retreat of the Russian army after the breakthrough at Gorlitsa, the 48th division did not have time to retreat from the Dukla Pass in the Carpathians, was surrounded and the wounded General Kornilov was captured. In July 1916, he changed into the uniform of an Austrian soldier and fled from captivity to Romania. After his return, he was awarded the Order of St. George, 3rd degree for fighting in the Carpathians and was appointed commander of the 25th Army Corps. Under the Provisional Government in March 1917, he was appointed commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, where he restored relative order. At his own request, he was returned to the front and on April 29, 1917 was appointed commander of the 8th Army. He achieved temporary success during the July offensive of the Russian armies of the Southwestern Front. As early as May 19, 1917, by order of the 8th Army, General Kornilov allowed the formation of the "1st shock detachment of the 8th Army" - the future Kornilov shock regiment under the command of Captain Nezhentsev (the first volunteer unit in the Russian Army). Captain Nezhentsev brilliantly conducted the baptism of fire of his detachment on June 26, 1917, breaking through the Austrian positions near the village of Yamshitsy, thanks to which Kalushch was taken.

After the Tarnopol breakthrough of the Germans and the general retreat of the Russian armies, General Kornilov, who held the front, was promoted to infantry general and on July 7, 1917 was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the South-Western Front, and on July 18, 1917, Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army. In an effort to restore discipline in the army and law and order in the country in order to bring the war to a victorious end, General Kornilov, in agreement with representatives of the head of government A.F. Kerensky at Headquarters and with the knowledge of A.F. Kerensky, sent on August 25, 1917 3rd Cavalry Corps to Petrograd, in order to provide reliable troops at the disposal of the Provisional Government in case of an armed uprising of the Bolsheviks. During the advance of these troops to Petrograd, A.F. Kerensky changed his initial position under pressure from the Petrograd Soviet and on August 27 declared General Kornilov a rebel, removed him from the post of Supreme Commander and declared himself Commander-in-Chief. Not wanting to unleash a civil war, General Kornilov refused to use troops loyal to him, including the Kornilov and Tekinsky regiments, and was arrested on September 2, 1918. Together with many of his supporters, he was sent to the Bykhov prison, where the Tekinsky regiment loyal to him was guarding the internal guard .

On November 19, 1917, the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Dukhonin, sent Colonel Kusonsky to Bykhov with an order to release General Kornilov and his supporters and a message about the approach of Bolshevik detachments to Mogilev. At the same time, General Kornilov, accompanied by the Tekinsky convoy, went to the Don and arrived in Novocherkassk on December 6, 1917, where, together with General M.V. Alekseev, he began to form the Volunteer Army. On December 25, 1917, General Kornilov became its first commander. Convinced of the collapse on the Don, after General Kaledin shot himself, on February 14 (28), 1918, he set out on the 1st Kuban (“Ice”) campaign in order to create a base in the Kuban for further struggle against the Bolsheviks. Despite the huge superiority of the Bolshevik troops, he victoriously led his small army to join the Kuban Volunteer Army and, having taken overall command, approached the Kuban capital. Killed by a shell during the assault on Yekaterinodar on March 31 (April 13), 1918

As a result of the February Revolution, which began on February 23, 1917 on International Women's Day, the Russian autocratic monarchy collapsed, and there were no significant forces that would come out in its defense. Moreover…

White movement - causes, essence, stages of development during the civil war

1. The emergence of the white movement

As a result of the February Revolution that began on February 23, 1917, the Russian autocratic monarchy collapsed, and there were no significant forces ...

White movement - causes, essence, stages of development during the civil war

3. The place of the white movement in the general anti-Bolshevik stream and its organizational structure

In general, four most combat-ready groups can be distinguished: 1) the troops of the former allies in the First World War, together with the Czechoslovak corps, which raised an uprising against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1918; 2) Cossacks; 3) armies ...

1. General characteristics of the white movement

White movement during the Civil War, its ideas and leaders

2. The ideology of the white movement

The goals of the White movement at its stage after the seizure of power in Russia by the Bolsheviks were: the liberation of Russia from the Bolshevik dictatorship, the unity and territorial integrity of Russia ...

White movement during the Civil War, its ideas and leaders

3. The main leaders of the white movement

1. Formation of the White movement

white war Denikin Kolchak The coming to power of the Bolsheviks and their policies immediately met with resistance from part of the country's population, whose interests were affected by the actions of the Bolsheviks. Signed in March 1918 ...

White movement in Russia in 1918-1920

2. The ideology of the White movement

In the context of hostilities, the White movement proceeded from the priority of individual power over collegial and, as a rule, military power over civil (military dictatorship) ...

1.1 General characteristics of the White movement: periodization, main stages

There is no consensus in historiography about the time of the start of the civil war. Some historians attribute it to October 1917, others to the spring-summer of 1918, when strong political and well-organized anti-Soviet centers were formed ...

White movement: ideology, organization, problems and contradictions of activity

1.2 Description of the ideology of the white movement

The original ideological basis of the White movement in 1917-1918. there was a patriotic idea of ​​​​saving the Russian Empire from collapse and death, which was presented to the white leaders as the results of the actions of the Provisional Government and, then ...

The struggle for power in the Urals during the years of revolution and civil war

2.2 The main participants in the "white" movement

Certification work. Leaders of the White Movement during the Civil War

Dutov A.I. Dutov Alexander Ilyich was born on August 5 (17), 1879 in the city of Kazalinsk in Kazakhstan. Russian military figure, lieutenant general (1919), ataman of the Orenburg Cossack Army (1917). From the nobles of the Orenburg Cossack Army ...

The state and law of Russia during the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (October 1917-1920)

6. Constitutional and legal organization of the White movement

The communist genocide caused mass resistance of the peoples of Russia. Russian patriots grouped into a heterogeneous White movement, the basis of which was the officers of the old army ...

Leaders of the White Movement

1. The ideology of the White movement

There were differences in the ideology of the White movement, but the desire to restore a democratic, parliamentary political system, private property and market relations in Russia prevailed ...

Leaders of the White Movement

2. Leaders of the White movement and characteristics of their activities

What allowed the Bolsheviks to win the civil war?

2.2 Formation of the white movement and white armies

The White movement began to take shape in the spring and summer of 1917, when the monarchists and the Cadets began to consolidate to fight against the growing revolutionary movement. It gained wider development after the victory of the October Revolution...

Representatives of the red movement

Slogans: "Long live the world revolution"

"Death to World Capital"

"Peace to huts, war to palaces"

"Socialist Fatherland in Danger"

Composition: proletariat, poor peasantry, soldiers, part of the intelligentsia and officers

Goals: - world revolution

-creation of a republic of soviets and a dictatorship of the proletariat

Features: 1. Single leader - Lenin

2. The presence of a clearer program focused on the interests of Bolshevism

3. More homogeneous composition

Frunze Mikhail Vasilievich

The father of the future Red Marshal, Vasily Mikhailovich Frunze, was a Moldavian by nationality and came from the peasants of the Tiraspol district of the Kherson province. After graduating from a paramedic school in Moscow, he was drafted into the army and sent to serve in Turkestan. At the end of his service, he remained in Pishpek (later the city of Frunze, now the capital of Kyrgyzstan, Bishkek), where he got a job as a paramedic and married the daughter of peasant migrants from the Voronezh province. On January 21, 1885, his son Mikhail was born in his family.

The boy turned out to be extremely capable. In 1895, due to the death of the breadwinner, the family found itself in a difficult financial situation, but little Mikhail was assigned a state scholarship to the gymnasium in the city of Verny (now Alma-Ata), which he graduated with a gold medal. In 1904, young Frunze went to the capital, where he entered the economics department of the Polytechnic Institute and soon became a member of the Social Democratic Party.

Frunze (underground nickname - Comrade Arseniy) won his first victories as a professional revolutionary in 1905 in Shuya and Ivanovo-Voznesensk as one of the leaders of the local Council of Workers' Deputies. In December of the same year, a detachment of militants put together by Frunze went to Moscow, where he took part in the battles of workers' squads with government troops on Krasnaya Presnya. After the suppression of the Moscow uprising, this detachment managed to safely get out of the Mother See and return back to Ivanovo-Voznesensk.

In 1907, in Shuya, Comrade Arseny was arrested and sentenced to death on charges of attempting to assassinate constable Perlov. Through the efforts of lawyers, the death sentence was replaced by six years of hard labor. After the end of the term of hard labor, Frunze was sent to a settlement in the village of Manzurka, Verkholensky district, Irkutsk province. In 1915, the indomitable Bolshevik was again arrested for anti-government agitation, but on the way to prison he managed to escape. Frunze showed up in Chita, where, using false documents, he managed to get a job as an agent at the statistical department of the resettlement department. However, his personality attracted the attention of local gendarmes. Arseny had to break away again and move to European Russia. After the February Revolution, he became one of the leaders of the Minsk Soviet of Workers' Deputies, then again went to the well-known Shuya and Ivanovo-Voznesensk. During the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in Moscow, at the head of a detachment of Ivanovo workers, Frunze again fought on the streets of the Mother See.

The appointment as commander of the 4th Army of the Eastern Front (January 1919) caught Mikhail Vasilyevich when he was at the post of military commissar of the Yaroslavl Military District.

His finest hour came in the spring of 1919, at the moment when Kolchak's troops launched a general offensive along the entire Eastern Front. In the southern sector, the army of General Khanzhin won a series of victories, but at the same time was so carried away that it exposed its right flank to the attack of the Red grouping. Frunze was not slow to take advantage of this ...

In the course of three consecutive operations - Buguruslan, Belebey and Ufim - Mikhail Vasilyevich inflicted a major defeat on the enemy. Frunze was transferred to the post of commander of the newly formed Turkestan Front. Until the end of the year, he managed to suppress the resistance of the Ural Cossacks and come to grips with the problems of Central Asia.

He managed to lure two influential leaders of the Basmachi Madamin-bek and Akhundzhan to the side of the Soviet government, whose detachments turned into the Uzbek, Margilan and Turkic cavalry regiments (so that none of the kurbash was offended, and both regiments received the serial number 1st) . In August-September 1920, under the pretext of helping the rebellious masses, Frunze conducted a successful campaign that ended in the liquidation of the Bukhara emirate.

On September 26, Frunze took command of the Southern Front, which was operating against Wrangel. Here, the "black baron" made another attempt to break out of the Crimea into the expanses of Ukraine. Having pulled up the reserves, the "red marshal" bled the enemy troops with stubborn defensive battles and then went over to the counteroffensive. The enemy rolled back to the Crimea. Not allowing the enemy to gain a foothold, on the night of November 8, Frunze delivered a combined blow - in the forehead on the Turkish Wall and across the Sivash to the Lithuanian Peninsula. The impregnable fortress of Crimea has fallen...

After the battle for the Crimea, the "red marshal" led operations against his former ally Makhno. In the person of the legendary dad, he found a worthy opponent who managed to counter the actions of the regular army with the tactics of flying partisan detachments. One of the skirmishes with the Makhnovists even almost ended in the death or capture of Frunze himself. In the end, Mikhail Vasilyevich began to beat the father with his own weapons, creating a special flying corps that constantly hung on Makhno's tail. At the same time, the number of troops in the combat zone was increased and coordination between individual garrisons and special forces (CHON) was established. In the end, besieged like a wolf, the father chose to stop the fight and go to Romania.

This campaign turned out to be the last in Frunze's military biography. Even before the final liquidation of the Makhnovshchina, he headed an Extraordinary diplomatic mission to Turkey. Upon his return, Mikhail Vasilyevich significantly increased his own status, both in the party and in the military hierarchy, becoming a candidate member of the Politburo and chief of staff of the Red Army. In January 1925, Frunze reached the pinnacle of his career by replacing L. D. Trotsky as People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs and Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR.

Keeping a distance from the party squabbles, Frunze actively carried out the reorganization of the Red Army, placing at the key posts the people with whom he was associated with joint work during the Civil War.

October 31, 1925 Frunze died. According to official reports, Mikhail Vasilyevich died after an unsuccessful operation for an ulcer. It was rumored that the operation was by no means necessary and that Fruse lay down on the operating table almost on the direct instructions of the Politburo, after which he was actually stabbed to death by the doctors. Although this version may well correspond to reality, it is hardly possible to speak of it as something obvious. The mystery of Frunze's death will forever remain a mystery.

Tukhachevsky Mikhail Nikolaevich

(1893, Aleksandrovskoye estate, Smolensk province - 1937) - Soviet military leader. Born into the family of an impoverished nobleman. He studied at the gymnasium, after moving to Moscow he graduated from the last class of the Moscow Cadet Corps and the Alexander Military School, from which he was released as a lieutenant in 1914 and sent to the front. For 6 months First World War Tukhachevsky was awarded 6 orders, showing outstanding commanding skills. Feb. 1915, together with the remnants of the 7th company of the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment, Tukhachevsky was taken prisoner by the Germans. During the two and a half years of imprisonment, Tukhachevsky tried to escape five times, walking up to 1,500 km on foot, but only in October. 1917 managed to cross the Swiss border. After returning to Russia, Tukhachevsky was elected company commander and promoted to captain, demobilized in the same rank. In 1918 he was enrolled in the Military Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and joined the RCP (b).

He said about himself: "My real life began with the October Revolution and joining the Red Army." From May 1918 he was appointed commissar of the Moscow Region of Defense of the Western Curtain. He took part in the formation and training of the regular units of the Red Army, giving preference to command personnel from the "proletariat", and not to military specialists of the pre-revolutionary period, whom Tukhachevsky, contrary to the facts, characterized as persons who "received a limited military education, completely downtrodden and devoid of any initiative."

During the Civil War, he commanded the 1st and 5th armies on the Eastern Front; was awarded the Golden Weapon "for personal courage, broad initiative, energy, diligence and knowledge of the matter." He successfully carried out a number of operations in the Urals and Siberia against the troops of A.V. Kolchak, commanded the troops of the Caucasian Front in the fight against A.I. Denikin. In May 1920 he was assigned to the General Staff; commanded the Western Front, led the attack on Warsaw and was defeated, the reasons for which he explained in a course of lectures published in a separate book (see the book: Pilsudski against Tukhachevsky. Two views on the Soviet-Polish war of 1920. M., 1991). In 1921, he suppressed the rebellion of sailors in Kronstadt, the peasant uprising of A. S. Antonov, and was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. From Aug. 1921 headed the Military Academy of the Red Army, commanded the troops of the Zap. and Leningrad. military districts. In 1924-1925 he took an active part in the implementation of the technical reconstruction of the Armed Forces; developed questions of the development of operational art, military construction, compilation of military encyclopedias, etc. In 1931 he was appointed deputy. chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR, head of armaments of the Red Army. In 1934 he became deputy, and in 1936 first deputy. People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR. Unlike K. E. Voroshilov and S. M. Budyonny, Tukhachevsky argued the need to create strong aviation and armored forces, re-equip infantry and artillery, and develop new means of communication. In 1935, he was the first in the history of the Red Army to conduct a tactical exercise with the use of an airborne assault, laying the foundation for the airborne troops. Tukhachevsky supported the proposal of S. P. Korolev on the creation of the Jet Institute for research in the field of rocket science. The creative thought of Tukhachevsky enriched all branches of the owls. military science. G.K. Zhukov assessed him as follows: "A giant of military thought, a star of the first magnitude in the galaxy of the military of our Motherland." In 1933 he was awarded the Order of Lenin, in 1935 Tukhachevsky was awarded the title of Marshal of the Soviet Union. In 1937, Tukhachevsky was accused of creating a Trotskyist military organization, condemned as an "enemy of the people" and shot. Rehabilitated in 1957.

Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev (1887–1919)

One of the figures most mythologized by Soviet propaganda. Entire generations were brought up on his example for decades. In the mass consciousness, he is the hero of a film that glorified his life and death, as well as hundreds of anecdotes in which his orderly Petka Isaev and the no less mythologized Anka the machine gunner act.

According to the official version, Chapaev is the son of a poor peasant from Chuvashia. According to his closest associate, Commissar Furmanov, there is no exact information about his origin, and Chapaev himself called himself either the illegitimate son of the Kazan governor, or the son of itinerant artists. In his youth he wandered, worked at a factory. During World War I, he bravely fought (he had St. George's crosses) and received the rank of lieutenant. In the same place, at the front, Chapaev in 1917 joined the organization of communist anarchists.

In December 1917 he became the commander of the 138th reserve infantry regiment, and in January 1918 - the commissioner of internal affairs of the Nikolaevsky district of the Saratov province. He actively helped to establish the power of the Bolsheviks in these places, formed a Red Guard detachment. Since that time, his war "for people's power" with his own people began: in early 1918, Chapaev suppressed peasant unrest in the Nikolaevsky district, generated by the food requisitioning.

From May 1918 Chapaev was the commander of the Pugachev brigade. In September-November 1918, Chapaev was the head of the 2nd Nikolaev division of the 4th red army. In December 1918 he was sent to study at the Academy of the General Staff. But Vasily Ivanovich did not want to study, he insulted teachers and already in January 1919 he returned to the front. He didn't shy away from anything there either. Furmanov writes how, when building a bridge across the Urals, Chapaev beat an engineer for what he thought was slow work. “... In 1918, he beat one high-ranking person with a whip, and answered another with a foul language by telegraph ... An original figure!” the commissioner admires.

At first, Chapaev's opponents were parts of the People's Army of Komuch - the Committee of the Constituent Assembly (it was dispersed by the Bolsheviks in Petrograd and recreated on the Volga) and the Czechoslovaks, who did not want to rot in Soviet concentration camps, where Trotsky wanted to send them. Later, in April-June 1919, Chapaev acted with his division against the Western Army of Admiral A. V. Kolchak; captured Ufa, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. But the Ural Cossacks became his main and fatal opponent. The vast majority of them did not recognize the power of the communists, while Chapaev faithfully served this power.

Decossackization in the Urals was merciless, and after the capture of Uralsk by the Red (including Chapaev) troops in January 1919, it turned into a real genocide. The instruction from Moscow, sent to the Soviets of the Urals, read:

Ҥ 1. All those remaining in the ranks of the Cossack army after March 1 (1919) are outlawed and subject to merciless extermination.

§ 2. All defectors who defected to the side of the Red Army after March 1 are subject to unconditional arrest.

§ 3. All families remaining in the ranks of the Cossack army after March 1 are declared arrested and hostages.

§ 4. In the event of the unauthorized departure of one of the families declared hostages, all families registered with this Council are subject to execution ... ".

The zealous fulfillment of this instruction became the main thing for Vasily Ivanovich. According to the Ural Cossack Colonel Faddeev, in some areas Chapaev's troops exterminated up to 98% of the Cossacks.

The special hatred of "Chapai" for the Cossacks is evidenced by the commissar of his division Furmanov, who can hardly be suspected of slander. According to him, Chapaev “like a plague, rushed across the steppe, ordered not to take any Cossack prisoners. “Everyone,” he says, “end the scoundrels.!” Furmanov also paints a picture of the mass robbery of the village of Slamihinskaya: the Chapaevs took away even women’s underwear and children’s toys from civilians who did not have time to escape. Chapaev did not stop these robberies, but only sent them to “general boiler ":" Do not drag, but collect in a heap, and give it to your commander, what you took from the bourgeois. " The writer-commissar also captured Chapaev's attitude towards educated people: "All of you are bastards!. Intelligents ...".

Such was the commander, on the example of whose "exploits" some people still want to raise a new generation of defenders of the Fatherland.

Naturally, the Cossacks put up extremely fierce resistance to the Chapaevs: retreating, they burned their villages, poisoned the water and went to the steppe with their whole families. In the end, they took revenge on Chapaev for the death of his relatives and the devastation of his native land, defeating his headquarters during the Lbischensky raid of the Ural army. Chapaev was mortally wounded.

Cities (the former village of Lbischenskaya and the former Ivashchenko plant in the Samara region), settlements in Turkmenistan and the Kharkov region of Ukraine, and many streets, avenues, and squares throughout Russia bear the name of Chapaev. In Moscow, in the Sokol administration, there is Chapaevsky lane. The Chapaevka River was named three hundred kilometers left tributary of the Volga.

White leaders in the Civil War

Dmitry BELYUKIN (born 1962). White Russia. Exodus. 1992-1994.
Reproduction from http://lj.rossia.org/users/john_petrov/

White movement in the faces

WHITE MOVEMENT - an ideological, political and military direction in the general flow of anti-Bolshevik political movements in Russia in the 1917-1920s. The origin of the term is associated with the symbolism of white as the color of law enforcement as opposed to red (revolutionary) color. The origins of the movement date back to the summer of 1917, when the monarchists, the Cadets and part of the generals united in a single bloc to fight revolutionary anarchy and establish the power of a "firm hand" - a military dictatorship. L. G. Kornilov was nominated for the role of dictator.

After the October Revolution of 1917, the ideologists of the White movement (V. V. Shulgin, N. N. Lvov, P. B. Struve, etc.) called on all “state-minded” people to fight against the Bolsheviks in order to “save the great united and indivisible Russia from the dominance of the International. The idea of ​​fidelity to the historical "principles" and the Orthodox religion, patriotism, "non-prejudice" of the future state system, which will be established by the legislative assembly (such as the Zemsky Sobor), was put forward, as opposed to the communist ideology, class approach and party dictate of the Bolsheviks. The slogan of "non-prejudice" for some time united the monarchists, the Cadets, the leaders of the Cossacks and part of the officer corps with representatives of the "moderate socialists" (Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks).

The first document on the ideological and political foundations of the White movement - "The Political Program of General Kornilov" (December 1917) - was adopted by the Don Civil Council in Novocherkassk (generals: M. V. Alekseev, L. G. Kornilov, A. M. Kaledin). The program formulated the goals of the White movement - the restoration of private property, the implementation of the denationalization of industry, the termination of the division and redistribution of land by peasants, the creation of a new army (without military committees, elected commanders and commissars). The solution of the most pressing social issues (agrarian, national) was postponed until the final restoration of order in the country.

During the Russian Civil War in 1918-1922. the restoration-monarchist essence of the practice of the White movement became more and more clearly manifested. The alliance of the White Guards with liberal-democratic elements gradually collapsed. All this determined the main reasons for the defeat of the White movement.

Orlov A.S., Georgiev N.G., Georgiev V.A. Historical dictionary. 2nd ed. M., 2012, p. 32-33.

All pointers:

| AB | BA | VA | GA | YES | EA | ZHA | FOR | IA | KA | LA | MA | ON | OA | PA | RA | SA | TA | wah | FA | HA | CA | cha | W-SHCHA | EA | UA | YA |

List of abbreviations

In the course of work on the biographical guide "The White Movement in Faces", several editions were used, executed in compliance with different standards of design.

All in one place. Russian history. Briefly. Civil War. Leaders of the red and white movement.

In some books, the author's coherent speech makes it easy to understand all the twists and turns in the fate of the participants in those battles. Other publications are made in an encyclopedic style with the use of numerous and not always immediately clear abbreviations. Here is a short example: "b. August 24, 1884. KvKK 1903, JKU 1905. Officer of the l-guards of the Jaeger regiment". This short line should be understood as follows: “I was born on August 24, 1884. He received his education at the Kiev Military School (which until 1902 was an infantry cadet school), graduating from it in 1903, at the Elisavetgrad Cavalry School (which was a cadet until 1902), graduating in 1905. Officer of the Life Guards of the Jaeger Regiment ". Agree, if each biography is deciphered in this way, then the amount of work becomes commensurate with writing a new book. On the other hand, reading the text in such a way that you constantly have to scroll through the biographical directory down to the notes is very inconvenient. Therefore, we limited ourselves to deciphering only the rarest abbreviations in terms of frequency of use, such as KvKK, EKU, AlVU, ViVU, VoKK, etc. We left other abbreviations that are relatively common in the literature, we left unchanged. These include the abbreviations VSYUR, ROVS, UNR, etc. However, if questions still arise with these abbreviations (or we missed some undeciphered abbreviation), then their decoding can be found in the special section of CHRONOS - Abbreviations. And some of them for ease of use, we have placed separately right here:

ab - artillery brigade

AVU - Alexander Military School

AGSH - Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff

hell - artillery battalion

ak - army corps

AlVU - Alekseevsky military school (until 1906 Moscow, until 1902 - infantry cadet)

AlKK - Alexander Cadet Corps (3rd St. Petersburg Military Gymnasium)

AmKV - Amur Cossack Army

art. - artillery

AstrKV - Astrakhan Cossack army

AS - aviation school

b-n - battalion

bt - battery

in dist. - available

in sl. - in service with

VVD - Great Don Army

VVNK - Higher Military Scientific Courses

ViVU - Vilna military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

VKKK - Vladikavkaz Cadet Corps

VlVU - Vladimir military school (until 1911 - St. Petersburg infantry cadet school) VO - military district

VOKK - Volsky Cadet Corps (military school) VSYUR - Armed Forces in the South of Russia VTA - Military Technical Academy (USSR) VU - military school

VLA - Alexander Military Law Academy

GAU - Main Artillery Directorate

guard. - guards

gen.-quar. - quartermaster general

George. kav. - Cavalier of St. George

hymn. - gymnasium

GINTU - Main quartermaster department

SMI - Main Engineering Department

GK - Commander-in-Chief

gren. - grenadier

lips. - province

GUGSH - Main Directorate of the General Staff

Dkb - Don Cossack Battery

DKV - Don Cossack Army

DKP - Don Cossack Regiment

DnKK - Don Cadet Corps

Dobra - Volunteer Army

DonA - Don Army

DC - Theological Seminary

EKU - Elisavetgrad Cavalry School (until 1902 - cadet)

head - manager

app. - spare

ZKV - Transbaikal Cossack Army

zpp - reserve infantry regiment

eng. - engineering

inspector - inspector

in-t - institute

IrVU - Irkutsk military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

kabt - horse artillery battery

kav. - cavalry

cad - horse artillery division

kaz. - Cossack

KAU - Konstantinovsky Artillery School

Kbo - Kuban region

kbt - horse battery

KvVU - Kiev military school (until 1902 - infantry cadet)

KvKK - Kiev (Vladimir Kiev) Cadet Corps (1865-1882 - military gymnasium)

KVU - Konstantinovsky military school

kgad - horse-mountain artillery battalion

cd - cavalry division

KzVU - Kazan military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

KZYUU - Cossack cadet school

KIAF - Corps of the Imperial Army and Navy

KK - cadet corps

KKV - Kuban Cossack Army

knp - cavalry regiment

cnd - cavalry division

crepe. - serf

KrKK - Crimean Cadet Corps (Yugoslavia)

k-shchy - commander

KYUU - cavalry junker

lag. - camp

MAA - Mikhailovskaya Artillery Academy

mad - mortar artillery battalion

MAU - Mikhailovsky Artillery School

MvKK - Voronezh (Mikhailovsky Voronezh) Cadet Corps (1865-1882 - military gymnasium)

MIU - Marine Engineering School

MK - Marine Corps

mpad - mortar park artillery division

MsKK - Moscow Cadet Corps (military gymnasium)

early - boss

NVU - Nikolaev (2nd Kiev) military school

NzhKK - Nizhny Novgorod Cadet Corps (1866-1882 - military gymnasium)

NIA - Nikolaev Engineering Academy

NRU - Nikolaev Engineering School

NkKK - Nikolaev Cadet Corps

NKU - Nikolaev Cavalry School

NChU - Novocherkassk Cossack School (until 1911 - cadet)

ОАШ - Officer Artillery School

ObKK - Orlovsky (Orlovsky Bakhtin) cadet corps (1864-1882 - military gymnasium)

region - area

OBO - promoted to officer for military distinction

OVVV - Great War Veterans Society (San Francisco)

ATS - Region of the Don Cossacks

OVO - promoted to officers from volunteers

OVORAF - Mutual Assistance Society for Officers of the Former Russian Army and Navy (Germany)

OG - Gallipoli Society

OdVU - Odessa military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

OdKK - Odessa Cadet Corps

OK. - graduated

OKV - Orenburg Cossack Army

OKZh - Separate Corps of Gendarmes

OKPS - Separate Corps of Border Guards

OKSG - Society of Knights of the Order of St. George

OKSH - Officer Cavalry School

olad - separate light artillery battalion

OnKK - Orenburg Neplyuevsky Cadet Corps (1866-1882 - military gymnasium)

OOA - Society of Artillery Officers

OOHDV - Society of Guards Officers in the Far East

OOGSH - Society of General Staff Officers

OrKK - Orenburg Cadet Corps

Orkp - Orenburg Cossack Regiment

ORO - Society of Russian Officers in the Kingdom of the Union of Artists

OROVCH - Society of Russians who graduated from universities in Czechoslovakia

OrU - Orenburg Cossack School (until 1911 - Junker)

otad - separate heavy artillery battalion

office - Officer

OETSH - Officers' Electrotechnical School

pd - infantry division

PVU - Pavlovsk military school

per. - renaming

PC - Corps of Pages

reservoir - plastunsky

PlKK - Polotsk Cadet Corps (1865-1882 - military gymnasium)

PO - regimental association

pom. - assistant

pp - infantry regiment

PpKK - Poltava (Petrovsky Poltava) Cadet Corps (1865-1882 - military gymnasium) before. - Chairman Rev. - teacher

prik. - on secondment, seconded

PRKK - First Russian Cadet Corps (Yugoslavia)

PsKK - Pskov Cadet Corps (military gymnasium)

PTI - Polytechnic Institute

PYuU - infantry cadet school

RA - Russian Army

res. - reserve

REU - real school

ROVS - Russian All-Military Union

sub - infantry artillery brigade

garden - infantry artillery battalion

glanders. - sapper

SAU - Sergiev Artillery School

SbKK - Siberian (1st Siberian) Cadet Corps (1866-1882 - military gymnasium)

SvKK - Suvorov (in Warsaw) cadet corps

sd - rifle division

SEIVK - Own E.I.V. convoy

Siberian - Siberian SLE - Siberian Cossack army

Sl. - in service with

SmKK - Simbirsk Cadet Corps (military gymnasium)

cn - rifle regiment

SRVI - Union of Russian Military Disabled

SSRAF - Union of those who served in the Russian army and navy (Shanghai)

Art. - village

st. - with seniority

page - shooting

STU - Stavropol Cossack cadet school

SuKK - Sumy Cadet Corps

TAU - Technical Artillery School

TerO - Terek region

Turk. - Turkestan

TKV - Terek Cossack Army

TKU - Tver Cavalry School (until 1911 - cadet)

TfVU - Tiflis military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

TfKK - Tiflis Cadet Corps (military gymnasium)

TshVU - Tashkent military school - county

uvn - district military commander

VHF - Ural Cossack Army

UNR - Ukrainian People's Republic

un-t - university

Urkp - Ural Cossack regiment

US - teachers' seminary

Finnish

FnKK - Finnish Cadet Corps

KhbKK - Khabarovsk Cadet Corps

household - economic

ChgVU - Chuguev military school (until 1911 - infantry cadet)

ШП - ensign school

Evak. - evacuated

Em. - in exile

YarKK - Yaroslavl Cadet Corps (military school)

The White movement, the reasons for the defeat of which are the subject of this review, arose in opposition to the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship in Russia after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1918. It included a variety of social elements, which were united by the desire to overthrow the Bolshevik Party. Its leaders tried to create their own governing bodies in opposition to the new government, organized their own army and began to implement their own socio-economic programs that did not satisfy a significant mass of the population.

Emergence

In opposition to the Bolshevik power in our country, the White movement arose. The years of existence of this trend are 1918-1920. However, among a number of historians there is a point of view that it arose at the end of 1917, immediately after the October Revolution and the Bolsheviks came to power. In addition, for some outlying regions of the country, the Civil War continued until 1922, so that the time of its existence can be completed precisely at this time.

The basis for the creation of the Volunteer Army was the military units of Generals Alekseev and Kornilov. In the summer of 1918, under the command of Denikin, she managed to capture many areas in the south of the country. In the summer of the following year, the army launched an offensive against Moscow, which was repulsed. The remnants of the troops under the command of Wrangel held the southern positions for some time, but were eventually driven out of the Crimea.

Other centers

The white movement, the reasons for the defeat of which should be sought in their socio-economic program, was formed mainly on the periphery of the country. The second major center was Kolchak's army, which operated in the East. The latter was recognized as the supreme ruler of Russia. In the 1919-1920s, this front was the main one in military operations. In 1920, the general's troops were defeated, and he himself was secretly shot. In the North-West, in the region of Petrograd, Yudenich's troops were operating. The general wanted to capture this northern city, but his attacks were also repulsed.

Social basis

Participants of the White movement were persons of various classes. The main organizing force was the officers, as well as the Cossacks. Also, representatives of the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia, the clergy, the middle and prosperous peasantry joined the resistance. There is an opinion that most of the people in the movement belonged to the monarchical circle, but this is not true. The listed groups testify to the fact that people of various views and beliefs joined the movement.

The latter circumstance affected the ideology of the movement. If the Bolshevik Party created a program that was simple but understandable to the general population, then their opponents could not agree on their views and programs, which weakened the White movement. The reasons for the defeat of his offensives and policies should be sought, first of all, in the inconsistency of ideas and principles of action.

national question

Opposition representatives put forward their demands for reforming the socio-political system of the country. They saw Russia as one and indivisible and wanted to restore it within its pre-revolutionary borders.

The latter circumstance was another reason for the defeat. The fact is that by the time under review, Poland, Finland, and a number of other territories had broken away from the former empire. The white movement in the Civil War took an uncompromising position on the national question, and this had a detrimental effect on the results of their military operations. For example, the Finnish government offered their leaders assistance in exchange for recognition of the country's independence, but was refused. As a result, the movement opposed to Bolshevism did not receive support from potential allies.

Economic measures

The goals of the White movement were to fully restore the pre-revolutionary order, both in the economic and political spheres. This was the reason for his defeat. The main part of the population was not ready for the return of the old order. However, many of the measures taken by them were, in principle, quite progressive.

For example, representatives of the opposition restored trade, the free market. However, in the difficult conditions of wartime, these reforms did not have the desired success. The bourgeoisie did not care about the development of the economy, but about their own gain. Supporters of the White Army were engaged in speculation on foreign capital. As a result, many economic resources were sold almost for free abroad. There was little help from the Entente countries. The Western European powers, which actively supported the White Guard, were in no hurry to fully support it. They provided her loans on extremely unfavorable terms, their military support was minimal. At the same time, foreign intervention pushed many people away from the opposition and forced them to join the Red Army.

agrarian question

The White movement in the Civil War developed its own plan for economic and social reform, which was fundamentally different from what the Bolshevik Party proposed. The way they proposed to solve the land issue is perhaps the weakest spot in their program. The fact is that the representatives of the opposition proposed the restoration of landownership, which immediately turned against them the bulk of the peasant population. Rural residents preferred the agrarian surplus appraisal, which was regarded as a temporary measure in wartime, to the restoration of the old economic system. So, the White movement in Russia did not receive the support of the bulk of the population, while the Bolsheviks managed to win it over to their side by slogans that the land fund belongs to the people, i.e., ordinary workers.

Military potential

The White movement had the advantage over the Red Army that it was based on professional military men, officers of the tsarist army. The Bolsheviks, on the other hand, had to create military personnel literally from scratch, which initially promised victory for the opposition movement. However, the camp of opponents of the Bolshevik government was too heterogeneous in composition. Many of its representatives disagreed about the future of the country. Therefore, the military potential that promised victory for the White Guard was not fully realized, which resulted in the victory of the Red Army. The new government also actively attracted officers of the tsarist army to its service and managed to enlist the support of many prominent representatives of the former command leadership (among them was the famous General A. A. Brusilov).

A. V. Kolchak

The leaders of the White movement often determined the success of military campaigns. Kolchak acted in the east of the country. Nominally, or rather, formally, he held the post of supreme commander.

He was, at least in words, recognized by other leaders of the opposition movement, he was also accepted by the Western European powers, which carried out intervention on the territory of our country. At his disposal was an impressive army, he was supported by the Ural workers, wealthy peasants. In addition, he had at his disposal a considerable gold reserve, which gave him great economic benefits. However, the most economically developed regions of the country were under the control of the Bolsheviks. The marginal position of Kolchak's armies fettered his maneuverability. This led to the fact that the initiative passed into his hands too late, which was the reason for the defeat of the admiral.

A. I. Denikin

The leaders of the White movement did not coordinate their actions properly, which led to major military failures. Denikin formed his army in southern Russia. At his disposal were the fertile regions of the Donbass, Kuban and other territories. Initially, success accompanied him: his troops took many cities and went to Moscow.

However, the Bolsheviks mobilized all the resources at their disposal and managed to defeat him. The reason for this defeat was that the leaders of the White Guard acted separately, while there was iron discipline in the ranks of the Bolsheviks, which rallied them.

P. I. Wrangel and N. N. Yudenich

After the defeat, Denikin left the army and left Russia. The leadership passed to General Wrangel. Despite the fact that the number of his troops was significantly inferior to the size of the Red Army, he managed to hold the defense in the south of the country for quite a long time.

The final turning point in the course of the war in favor of the Bolsheviks occurred after the capture of the Isthmus of Perekop. Yudenich acted in the north-western direction, in the Petrograd region. However, significant forces were sent to defend this city, which held the onslaught. Thus, the White movement, the reasons for the defeat of which lay in the disagreements of its representatives, became a victim of its heterogeneity.

But Russia had and will always have opponents. Against the background described, it is better to ask the question about our Russian “leaders”: could the then white governments and foreign representations be the “indisputable moral center of the Russian cause”, what did they claim?

So many documents on this subject have been published in exile that an answer can be given immediately. The courage of white warriors is a glorious page in Russian history. Less glorious was the behavior of their rear governments, in which, although there were many sincere patriots, the liberal Februaryists, with the support of the Entente, almost everywhere dominated the more right-wing figures and became one of the reasons for the defeat. The White movement was laid by them in the Procrustean bed of the struggle of the losing February against the victorious October - without understanding that both February and October were milestones in the same process of destruction of historical Russia; It was the Februaryists themselves, through their lack of understanding of what was happening, that led to October. They began to understand this only in emigration (below we will use their own assessments - both early and late) ...

The first appeals of these politicians to the West (“Appeal of the Volunteer Army to the Allies”, “Statement of the Main Committee of the All-Russian Zemstvo and Urban Association”) are already characteristic, as are the documents of the Iasi meeting. They set off not only the unfulfilled debt of the Entente countries that betrayed Russia, but also the fact that the Februaryist politicians, who lost power and hoped to restore it with the help of their former Western patrons, were far from understanding both their true goals and the causes of the Russian catastrophe and the World War II. war. The war "had a democratic ideology," therefore, "Russia fell, as it were, into the category of defeated countries," P.B. Struve. Only through the prism of this ideology of war, in which the democracies managed to push the main European monarchies against each other and lead them all to defeat, is the behavior of the Entente in our civil war understandable.

This "democratic" factor (which consisted primarily in the rejection of the Orthodox monarchy) is visible at the Jassy Conference both among the representatives of the Entente and among many Russian delegates. Which was logical: was it worth starting the February Revolution in Russia (prepared by the Februaryists together with the emissaries of the Entente) in order to now allow the restoration of the “reactionary autocracy”? .. (Meeting participant K.R. Krovopuskov: “Russia can be revived and united only on a basis ... the restoration of the monarchy would seem harmful from this point of view). The majority considered unacceptable for the role of "leader" even the former Commander-in-Chief of the Army Vel. Book. Nikolai Nikolaevich (because of the "royal blood", although he supported the February revolution); approved Denikin, in whose army the Russian anthem "God Save the Tsar!" was replaced by the Transfiguration March ...

For the left part of the Februaryists (many members of the Union of the Renaissance, represented at the Iasi meeting), even Kolchak and Denikin soon turned out to be "reactionary". The Social Revolutionaries proclaimed them "conscious supporters of a return to the old regime", abandoned the fight against the Bolsheviks and declared war on the whites "with all the methods that the party used against the autocracy." This struggle took on a large scale in the rear of the whites, "undermining their cause from within" - together with the Bolsheviks. And Kerensky declared in the Western press (November 1919) that “the terror and anarchy created there by the Kolchak-Denikin regime surpass all probability ... There is no crime that Kolchak’s agents would not have committed against the population, they represent tyranny and the blackest reaction.

For the more right-wing Februaryists, the “democratic” policy turned into external pressure on the White armies through similar “Russian delegations” that became White governments. Thus, the “Russian Political Conference” created in Paris in early 1919 (under the chairmanship of Prince G.E. Lvov, the first head of the Provisional Government), which played the role of representing the White armies in the West, constantly demanded from the white generals the proclamation of a “deeply democratic nature of the goals pursued by the Russian anti-Bolshevik movement. Here is the characteristic text of one of the telegrams of the "Political Conference", sent from Paris on March 5, 1919, to all the White armies: "On January 6, we telegraphed you about the strengthening of democratic ideas after the war, which ended in the victory of democracy. Today the Political Conference considers it its duty to inform you of the further growth of their authority in the international conjuncture. In public opinion, they are gaining more and more power and their influence is becoming more demanding. Under their influence, the work of the Conference [of the Versailles Peace Conference. - MN], they also determine to a large extent the attitude towards the issue of recognizing the independence of individual parts of Russia. Even the possibility of helping our national armies in the fight against the Bolsheviks is measured by the degree of democracy of our Governments and the Political Conference, the trust and sympathy that they inspire. Every shadow of old Russia inspires mistrust. Fearing the specters of political and social reaction, they are inclined at every step to look for and exaggerate doubts about the sincere democracy of the new national Russia. Our Political Conference is being criticized from the point of view of the vagueness of the democratic physiognomy. This is not the only, but one of the reasons hindering the success of achieving our final goals ... ". Therefore, it is necessary to “practically lay down the democratic foundation of Russian statehood through elections in any form(highlighted in the original).

In order to appreciate the criticism that even this “Political Conference” was subjected to by the democratic circles of the Entente, it is necessary to note its “physiognomy”: it consisted of three-quarters of Freemasons - that is, the democrats criticized even them for their “rightness”! The most right-wing member of the Meeting, the tsarist minister Sazonov, who was supported by Kolchak, was simply hunted down by the Februaryists, although he was sometimes forced to send, for example, such telegrams to the Commander-in-Chief:

“Secret telegram of the Minister of Foreign Affairs addressed to Admiral Kolchak dated May 10, 1919 No. 985.
Personally.
In view of the ever growing political importance of Jewish international circles and the fears they reveal of Jewish pogroms in connection with the further successes of your troops, it would be highly desirable that you make some reassuring statement in this regard even now. Such a statement could take the form of a telegram addressed to me, of course, without reference to mine, in which you would inform me of your firm decision to vigorously suppress any anti-Jewish movements, wherever they appear. Such a telegram could be privately used by me to great advantage and would attract the sympathy of the Russian Government from local and British political and banking circles.
Sazonov" .

And in order to assess the possibility of implementing the cited democratic demands of the Conference, one must take into account that the vast majority of white soldiers were monarchists (later, in exile, this became obvious, as P.B. Struve noted). It is not surprising that the White movement steadily ruled, and each of its subsequent leaders (Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel) relied on more and more right-wing politicians (up to a completely competent government in the Crimea). And in the Far East, where the white power in the person of the gene M. K. Diterikhs existed until the end of 1922, the Zemsky Sobor even proclaimed the Orthodox-monarchist ideology of the struggle for Holy Rus' and restored the Basic Laws of the Russian Empire; though it was too late...

Isn't that why, in the end, the Entente's bet on the Bolsheviks prevailed, since in her eyes they were less "reactionary" than the White armies with their latent monarchism?