What event happened in February 1917. February Revolution: causes, participants and events

Background and character of the February Revolution

The prerequisites for the February Revolution were the incompleteness of the first revolution of 1905-1907, during which the tasks of democratizing society and convening the Constituent Assembly were not finally resolved, which caused dissatisfaction among the liberals. The main demand of the workers, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, was not satisfied. Despite the reforms of P. Stolypin, the agrarian issue was not finally resolved, which caused the discontent of the peasants. The lack of political rights and freedoms has intensified the illegal activities of opposition parties. With the exception of small concessions made by the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, the democratic transformation in Russia remained unfinished, which means that what caused the first revolution had to manifest itself again. New social upheavals were inevitable.

It is characteristic that even those who were involved in the events of the revolution explained the causes of the revolution in different ways. Monarchists believed that the revolution was the result of a Masonic conspiracy between the liberals and the bourgeoisie. The Octobrists and Cadets saw the origins in the failure of all attempts to compromise with the government, believing that the revolution was nationwide, democratic and nationwide. The Bolsheviks believed that the revolution began because the government was no longer “able” to carry out reforms, and the lower classes already “did not want” government reforms. The February bourgeois revolution for them was only the first step towards the socialist revolution.

Social tension was facilitated by Russia's entry into the First World War) ", failures at the front, the death of millions of soldiers, the deterioration of living conditions. The political crisis on the eve of the war escalated even more. The activities of G. Rasputin, the short-sighted policy of the government, the frequent change of ministers, the radicalization of the Cadets and monarchists ( Rasputin was killed by them), the emergence in the IV State Duma in 1915 of the Cadet-Octobrist Progressive Bloc, which demanded "to create a government that enjoys the confidence of the country" - these factors became decisive at the beginning of the revolution.

The course of the February Revolution

At the beginning of 1917, the situation in the country sharply worsened. The level of the strike movement reached an unprecedented height. A critical situation developed in Petrograd, where, due to a failure in the supply of food to the city on February 23, discontent escalated into spontaneous rallies, demonstrations and strikes. More than 120,000 workers were on strike. The Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and other socialist parties called for revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy. On February 25, the demonstrations turned into a general political strike, which involved 305,000 people. February 26 was the decisive day for the revolution. If before that the troops did not use weapons, then on February 6, 1917, a large demonstration on Nevsky Prospekt was shot, mass arrests took place. The execution of the demonstration caused mutinies in the army. The Pavlovsk Regiment refused to oppose the demonstrators. On February 27, 1917, an armed uprising began in Petrograd. A "revolutionary masses were joined by about 70 thousand soldiers of the reserve battalions of the Volyn, Preobrazhensky, Lithuanian, Moscow reserve regiments. During the day, the rebels seized railway stations, bridges, the main arsenal. The building of the District Court and the House of Preliminary Detention were stormed. Together with the revolutionaries, liberated 4,000 criminals were also released from prisons and police stations.The Tsar at that time was at the Headquarters of the Russian army.

As early as February 26, Chairman of the IV State Duma M. Rodzianko telegraphed Nicholas II about the mortal danger hanging over Russia and about the need to immediately create a new government that would enjoy the confidence of the country. The king did not answer. The next day, on behalf of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, an appeal was issued to the population, which stated that this new authority had taken the restoration of state and public order into its own hands. On the evening of February 27, Nicholas II sent a special detachment (more than 800 people) under the command of General N. Ivanov to the capital to suppress the "unrest" in the capital, but before the arrival of the emperor, he did not dare to use force. From Headquarters, Nicholas II went to Tsarskoye Selo, but important news stopped him in Pskov. On March 2, Nicholas II signed documents on the suspension of Ivanov's punitive expedition. Here he learned from Rodzianko that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma had already appointed its commissars to the ministries and demanded abdication in favor of the emperor's son.

At the same time, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies and its Provisional Executive Committee, which included 6 Mensheviks, 2 Social Revolutionaries, 2 Bolsheviks and 5 Social Democrats, began work in Petrograd. The Menshevik N. Chkheidze was elected chairman of the Soviet, and the Trudovik A. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. Skobelev were elected as his deputies. At the meeting, it was decided to create the Military and Food Commissions, to take under the protection of railway stations, state banks, bridges and the most important state institutions. On March 1, the Council issued the famous "Order No. 1" for the army, according to which many important functions of power were transferred from officers to elected soldiers' committees, soldiers were granted full civil rights, etc. On March 1, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was transformed into the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In total, in March 1917, more than 500 Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies arose in Russia, which played an important role in the struggle against the Provisional Committee and the tsarist administrative apparatus.

On March 2, 1917, General Ruzsky informed Nicholas II of the demand of the Provisional Committee to resolve the issue of abdication. As a result, the tsar wrote a telegram addressed to Rodzianko about his abdication in favor of his son, but the sending of the telegram was delayed. After a conversation with A. Guchkov and V. Shulgin, representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, who arrived in Pskov, on the night of March 2-3, 1917, Nicholas II signed a Manifesto on his abdication and the abdication of his son Alexei from the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. On March 2, after negotiations between the Petrosoviet and the Duma, a bourgeois Provisional Government was created. The Provisional Committee of the Duma insisted on preserving the monarchy, but after receiving the Tsar's Manifesto in favor of Mikhail, and not Alexei, most of the members of the Provisional Committee changed their minds and began to lean towards the idea that it was impossible to preserve the monarchy. Mikhail Romanov, having learned from the Duma representatives that his life was in danger, signed an act of renunciation (March 4, 1917). It stated that Michael agreed to accept the crown only if such was the decision of the Constituent Assembly, convened on the basis of a general election.

On March 3, 1917, a declaration was published on the composition and program of the Provisional Government, which included Prince G. Lvov, P. Milyukov, A. Guchkov, A. Konovalov, M. Tereshchenko, A. Kerensky. From that time on, power actually passed to the Provisional Government, real power was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. A dual power was established in the country.

At the beginning of 1917, interruptions in the supply of food to the large cities of Russia intensified. By mid-February, 90,000 Petrograd workers went on strike because of a shortage of bread, speculation, and rising prices. On February 18, the workers of the Putilov factory joined them. The administration announced its closure. This was the reason for the beginning of mass demonstrations in the capital.

On February 23, International Women's Day (according to the new style, this is March 8), workers and women took to the streets of Petrograd with the slogans "Bread!", "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!" Their political demonstration marked the beginning of the revolution.

On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general. Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, who was in Mogilev, sent a telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov with a categorical demand to stop the unrest. Attempts by the authorities to use the troops did not give a positive effect, the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, more than 150 people were killed by officers and police on 26 February. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsky regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and "anarchy in the capital." To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoys the confidence of society. However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover, he and the Council of Ministers decided to suspend the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for the holidays. The moment for a peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy was lost. Nicholas II sent troops from the Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by rebel railroad workers and soldiers and was not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass defection of soldiers to the side of the workers, their capture of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new authorities began.

On the same day, in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, when the first bodies of workers' political power were born, elections were held for the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. An Executive Committee was elected to direct its activities. The Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze became chairman, and the Socialist-Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky became his deputy. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population. The Petrosoviet was a new form of socio-political organization. He relied on the support of the masses who owned weapons, and his political role was very great.

On March 1, the Petrograd Soviet issued "Order No. 1" on the democratization of the army. Soldiers were equalized in civil rights with officers, rude treatment of the lower ranks was prohibited, and traditional forms of army subordination were abolished. Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. The army was allowed to conduct political activities. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Soviet and undertook to carry out only its orders.

February at a meeting of the leaders of the Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma, headed by M. V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was to "restore the state and public order", the creation of a new government. The Provisional Committee took control of all ministries.

February Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops. He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consultations with the commanders of the fronts, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution. On March 2, Nicholas signed the Manifesto on abdication for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy. On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne, declaring that the Constituent Assembly should decide the fate of the political system in Russia. The 300-year rule of the Romanov dynasty ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. This was the main outcome of the revolution.

On March 2, after negotiations between representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed. Prince G.E. Lvov became chairman and minister of internal affairs, Cadet P.N. Milyukov became minister of foreign affairs, Octobrist D.I. Guchkov became minister of war and navy, and progressist A.I. Konovalov became minister of trade and industry. From the “left” party, the Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky entered the government, who received the portfolio of the Minister of Justice. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet considered the completed revolution to be bourgeois. Therefore, it did not seek to take the fullness of state power and took the position of supporting the Provisional Government. In Russia, a dual power was formed.

The mood in the capital is exceptionally alarming. The wildest rumors circulate in society, both about the intentions of the government authorities (in the sense of taking various kinds of reactionary measures), and equally about the assumptions of groups and sections of the population hostile to this government (in the sense of possible and probable revolutionary undertakings and excesses).

Everyone is waiting for some exceptional events and performances from both sides. They are equally seriously and anxiously awaiting various revolutionary outbreaks, as well as the undoubted allegedly in the near future "palace coup", the forerunner of which, according to common belief, was the act against the "notorious old man" (meaning the murder of Rasputin).

Among such chaotic judgments, gossips and rumors, the repeated talks and talks about terror as a phenomenon not of a party character, but of a general one, draw special attention to themselves everywhere and everywhere. In this respect, rumors about the possible manifestations of terror are usually associated in progressive public circles with the question of the final dissolution of the State Duma, which is probable under the present situation.<…>

It should be noted that if the workers have come to realize the necessity and feasibility of a general strike and the subsequent revolution, and the circles of the intelligentsia have come to believe in the salvation of political assassinations and terror, then this clearly enough shows the oppositional mood of society and its thirst to find one way or another way out of created politically abnormal situation. And this situation is becoming more and more abnormal and tense every day, and that the masses of the population, nor the leaders of the political parties, see no natural peaceful way out of it - there is no need to talk about it.

FROM A LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FYODOROVNA TO NICHOLAS II

The strikes and riots in the city are more than provocative.<…>This is a hooligan movement, boys and girls run around and shout that they have no bread - just to create excitement, and workers who prevent others from working. If the weather were very cold, they would all probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves well. The worst speeches are not published, but I think that anti-dynastic speeches should be immediately and very severely punished, especially since it is now wartime. The strikers must be told directly not to strike, otherwise they will be sent to the front or severely punished.

TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOVA TO STATE

I report that on February 23 and 24, as a result of a lack of grain, a strike broke out in many factories. On February 24, about 200,000 workers went on strike, forcibly removing those who worked. The movement of the tram was stopped by the workers. In the middle of the day on February 23 and 24, part of the workers broke through to the Nevsky, from where they were dispersed. Today, February 25, the attempts of workers to penetrate the Nevsky are successfully paralyzed. The broken part is dispersed by the Cossacks. In addition to the Petrograd garrison, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoye Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the consolidated Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk, and five squadrons of the guards reserve cavalry regiment were called to Petrograd.

(S.S. Khabalov - Commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General)

"DONT BE DELAYED."

TELEGRAM OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DUMA M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASIIFEBRUARY 26, 1917

Your Majesty!

The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport, food and fuel fell into complete disorder. Growing public discontent. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops fire at each other. A person who enjoys the confidence of the country should immediately be instructed to form a new government. You can't delay. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that at this hour the responsibility does not fall on the crowned bearer.

"TOMORROW MAY BE LATE"

FROM A TELEGRAM TO M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASII 27 FEBRUARY 1917

The government is completely powerless to suppress the disorder. There is no hope for the troops of the garrison. The reserve battalions of the guard regiments are engulfed in mutiny. Officers are killed. Having joined the crowd and the popular movement, they go to the house of the Ministry of the Interior and the State Duma. The civil war has begun and is flaring up. Order to immediately call for a new government on the basis that I reported to Your Majesty in yesterday's telegram. Order the cancellation of your royal decree to convene the legislative chambers again. Announce these measures without delay with the highest manifesto. If the movement is transferred to the army, the German will triumph and the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable. On behalf of all Russia, I ask Your Majesty to fulfill the foregoing. The hour that decides your fate and the fate of your homeland has come. Tomorrow may be too late.

RODZIANKO ON HIS POSITION IN FEBRUARY 1917

In 1919, the former chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma wrote: “Of course, the State Duma could have refused to lead the revolution, but we must not forget the complete absence of power that has arisen and the fact that if the Duma were to abolish itself, complete anarchy would immediately set in and the fatherland would perish immediately. .. The Duma had to be protected, at least as a fetish of power, which would still play its role in a difficult moment.

TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOV IN THE NAME OF M.V. ALEKSEEVA

I ask you to report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after the other, betrayed their duty, refused to fight against the rebels. Others fraternized with the rebels and turned their weapons against the troops loyal to his majesty. Those who remained true to their duty fought all day against the rebels, suffering heavy losses. By evening, the rebels had captured most of the capital. Faithful to the oath remain small units of different regiments, pulled together at the Winter Palace under the command of Major General Zankevich, with whom I will continue to fight.

(M.V. Alekseev - Chief of Staff of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Adjutant General of the General Staff, General of Infantry)

THE FIRST SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION

On February 27, 1917, at 5 o’clock in the morning, the senior sergeant major of the training team of the Volynsky regiment, Timofey Kirpichnikov, raised the soldiers subordinate to him, fed, armed and built before the arrival of the authorities. The day before, their commander, staff captain Lashkevich, led a team into the city - to shoot at unarmed demonstrators who were indignant at the lack of bread in the stores; at the same time, Lashkevich personally killed several dozen civilians. At night, Timofei Kirpichnikov persuaded his assistants, "platoon leaders", to refuse to participate in the executions of the inhabitants of Petrograd. Arriving at the location of the unit, the officer argued with his subordinates, as a result, he tried to escape and was shot dead.

The insurgent training team, with weapons in their hands, moved to the reserve battalion of their regiment and dragged it along. Then Timofey Kirpichnikov led the soldiers further - to raise the neighboring regiments. Overcoming the resistance of sentries and officers, they were able to bring many thousands of armed people into the streets within a few hours. At some point, Kirpichnikov himself ceased to control the actions of the crowd, which arbitrarily opened fire, stormed the objects occupied by the gendarmerie, and eventually prompted state institutions, including the government, to curtail their activities, and later completely scatter.

Thanks to the abilities of Timofey Kirpichnikov, the riots organized with the participation of the Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev, commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and other high-ranking officials, got out of control of any authorities.

The deputies of the State Duma tried to form a new government, the activists of the left parties began to create Soviets - they called for sending representatives from each part and from every thousand workers for the election of the Executive Committee. In parallel, A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin, with the support of the top generals, forced Nicholas II to abdicate. The power in the country was weakening more and more (especially after Order No. 1, which contributed to the collapse of the army). This did not prevent the new commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, L.G. Kornilov, from presenting an award to Kirpichnikov - the St. George Cross of the 4th degree. The hero of February was also promoted to ensign.

The leaders of extremist political organizations gathered in Petrograd and were already trying to take power into their own hands - the "April crisis" arose. At the same time, Timofey Kirpichnikov stood up for the Provisional Government. He again brought an armed demonstration to the streets, which paralyzed the actions of the revolutionaries. In April, they had to abandon their plans.

After October 25, 1917, when P.N. Krasnov was advancing on Petrograd captured by the Bolsheviks, Kirpichnikov tried to repeat his signature move with a riot of soldiers of the garrison. However, the uprising of the cadet schools did not evoke a response among the soldiers - the plan fell through.

In November, Kirpichnikov was able to escape from the capital to the Don. He arrived at A.P. Kutepov, who in February was just on vacation in Petrograd and tried in vain to restore order (the soldiers assigned to him fled) at the time when Kirpichnikov was destroying it. A very short conversation took place between the two heroes, recorded by A.P. Kutepov in his memoirs: “Once a young officer came to my headquarters, who very cheekily told me that he had come to the Volunteer Army to fight the Bolsheviks “for the freedom of the people”, which the Bolsheviks trample on. I asked him where he had been until now and what he had been doing, the officer told me that he was one of the first "fighters for the freedom of the people" and that in Petrograd he took an active part in the revolution, speaking out one of the first against the old regime. When the officer wanted to leave, I ordered him to stay and, calling the officer on duty, sent for the outfit. The young officer became agitated, turned pale, and began to ask why I was detaining him. Now you will see, I said, and when the squad arrived, I ordered that this "freedom fighter" be shot immediately.

ORDER #1

OF THE PETROGRAD COUNCIL OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES FOR THE GARRISON OF THE PETROGRAD DISTRICT

Order No. 1. March 1, 1917. According to the garrison of the Petrograd district, to all soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and precise execution, and to the workers of Petrograd for information.

The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies decided:

1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and separate services of various military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.

2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates in the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.

3) In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.

4) The orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except in cases where they contradict the orders and resolutions of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

5) All kinds of weapons, such as: rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.

6) In the ranks and in the performance of their duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside the service and in the ranks in their political, general civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, rising to the front and the obligatory salute outside the service are canceled.

7) The title of officers is also canceled: Your Excellency, Nobleness, etc., and is replaced by the appeal: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.

Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as “you” is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, must be brought to the attention of the company committees.

Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combat and non-combat teams.

Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

DECLARATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

Citizens!

The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the metropolitan troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to proceed to a more stable organization of executive power.

For this purpose, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, the confidence in which the countries have been ensured by their past social and political activities.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior Prince G.E. Lvov.

Foreign Minister P.N. Milyukov.

Minister of Military and Naval A.I. Guchkov.

Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov.

Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov.

Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov.

Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko.

Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V.N. Lvov.

Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev.

Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.

State Comptroller I.V. Godnev.

Minister for Finnish Affairs F.I. Rodichev.

In its present activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following principles:

1. Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.

2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits allowed by military technical conditions.

3. Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.

4. Immediate preparations for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of a universal, equal, secret and direct vote, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.

5. Replacing the police with people's militia with elected leaders subordinate to local governments.

6. Elections to local self-government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage.

7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.

8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and in the performance of military service - the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens. The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.

Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince G.E. Lvov.

Ministers: P.N.Milyukov, N.V.Nekrasov, A.N.Konovalov, A.A.Manuilov, M.I.Tereshchenko, Vl.N.Lvov, A.I.

ON THE REFUSAL OF GRAND DUKE MIKHAIL ALEKSANDROVICH

FROM THE PERCEPTION OF THE SUPREME POWER TO THE ESTABLISHMENT
IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF THE IMAGE OF BOARD AND NEW
BASIC LAWS OF THE RUSSIAN STATE

A heavy burden has been placed on me by the will of my brother, who handed over to me the imperial all-Russian throne in a time of unprecedented war and unrest of the people. Encouraged by the same thought with all the people that the good of our Motherland is above all, I made a firm decision in that case to accept the supreme power, if such is the will of our great people, which should establish a form of government and new basic laws by popular vote through its representatives in the Constituent Assembly. Russian state.

Therefore, invoking the blessing of God, I ask all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government, which, at the initiative of the State Duma, has arisen and is invested with all the fullness of power, until it is possible to convene

As soon as possible, on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage, the Constituent Assembly, by its decision on the form of government, will express the will of the people.

The consequences of the February Revolution are still actively discussed by historians and researchers of that period. It was that which began with mass anti-government protests of the workers, who were supported by the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison. All this led to the actual overthrow of the absolute monarchy in the country and the creation of the Provisional Government, which concentrated in its hands the executive and legislative powers. The revolution itself began at the end of February and continued until the beginning of March.

Causes

In evaluating the consequences of the February Revolution, one must first of all understand its causes. Most modern historians come to the unequivocal conclusion that it was inevitable, since a large number of factors caused dissatisfaction with the government and the king.

Among them are the defeats on the fronts of the First World War, the difficult situation in which the peasants and workers found themselves, devastation and famine in the country, political lack of rights, the authority of the autocratic government had greatly decreased by that time, society had long demanded cardinal reforms that the authorities did not want to carry out.

It turned out that almost all the problems that Russia faced during the revolution of 1905 remained unresolved. year was supposed to radically change the life of the people, but this did not happen.

Rasputin's position at court

By examining the causes, course, and consequences of the February Revolution, one can fully appreciate the social upheavals that occurred at that time. Great dissatisfaction was caused by the position that Grigory Rasputin had occupied by that time at the court. The supreme power was actually discredited by the scandals around the figure of this old man.

Rumors circulated in the capital about treason in the emperor's circles. Public opinion considered the wife of the head of state Alexandra Feodorovna a traitor, there was even talk of an intimate relationship between the Empress and Rasputin. Most of them were of a fantastic nature and never received confirmation, but had a strong influence on public opinion.

Bread riots

From this article you can learn in detail about the February Revolution, its prerequisites, results and consequences. The actual beginning of the unrest, which ended in outright anti-government protests, is considered to be the so-called bread riots.

They began in Petrograd, becoming a logical conclusion with transport and grain supplies.

At the end of 1916, a surplus appraisal was introduced, which was aimed at fulfilling food procurement during the economic and military crises. First of all, it was about grain harvesting. The principle of food apportionment consisted in the forced delivery of grain products by grain producers at prices set by the state.

But even despite such coercive measures, instead of the 772 million poods of grain that were planned to be obtained, only 170 million poods were obtained. Because of this, soldiers' rations were reduced in the army from 3 to 2 pounds per day for those who fought at the front, those who remained in the front line received 1.5 pounds each.

Were introduced in almost all major cities. At the same time, huge queues lined up for bread, but not everyone received it. Famine began in Vitebsk, Kostroma, Polotsk.

There were no cards in Petrograd, but rumors that they were about to appear were actively circulating. The indignant people turned to active actions on February 21, when pogroms began in dairies and bakeries in Petrograd. The crowd demanded bread.

Start

The causes and consequences of the February Revolution have been trying to be assessed by historians for a century now. Many believe that one of the factors that led to the uprising was the departure of the king from the capital. On February 22, Nicholas II leaves for Mogilev, where the headquarters of the Supreme Commander was located.

Minister of the Interior Protopopov, seeing him off, assures him that the situation is under his full control. And Protopopov was really sure of this, because at the end of January he managed to arrest the workers who were preparing a mass demonstration on the opening day of the new session of the State Duma.

February 23 is considered the actual beginning of the revolution. Anti-war rallies in the capitals develop into demonstrations and mass strikes. The work of several large industrial enterprises was stopped. In the center of Petrograd, demonstrators come into direct confrontation with the police and Cossacks.

On February 24, more than 200,000 people took part in the general strike. On February 26, a demonstration begins on Nevsky Prospekt. On Znamenskaya Square, the police open fire on demonstrators, about 40 people were killed. Shooting in other parts of the city. The number of participants in the strike exceeds 300,000 people.

armed uprising

The turning point occurred on February 27, when the soldiers began to go over to the side of the rebels en masse. The first team to participate in the rebellion was the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The soldiers killed the commanders, released everyone who was in the guardhouse, and began to call on neighboring units to join the uprising. The officers were either killed or fled.

On the same day, soldiers in full armor went to Liteiny Prospekt, where they united with the striking workers of the Petrograd factories.

And on the same day, members of the government gather for an emergency meeting at the Mariinsky Palace. It was decided to send a telegram to the Emperor in Mogilev stating that the Council of Ministers was unable to cope with the situation that had developed in the country. At the same time, the government dismissed Protopopov, who caused particular irritation among the opposition. Meanwhile, the uprising spread beyond the boundaries of Petrograd.

On February 28, the Provisional Committee, organized under the State Duma, officially announced that it was taking power into its own hands. He was recognized by foreign governments, in particular, France and Great Britain.

Emperor's abdication

Further, the chronology of events developed as follows. On March 2, a representative of the Provisional Committee, Guchkov and Shulgin, came to Nicholas II, telling him that they saw the only way out of this situation in his abdication in favor of a minor heir. Otherwise, riots could start in the troops that were at the front.

At the same time, it was planned to appoint Grand Duke Michael as regent. The emperor declared that he had made such a decision in the afternoon, and now he was ready to abdicate both for himself and for his son.

At 23.40 Nicholas II hands over the official act of abdication in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. The latter fact aroused the indignation of the leaders of the revolution. His supporters did not advise him to accept power either, in the end he did just that, refusing to accept supreme power.

The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet decided to arrest the entire royal family, deprive them of their civil rights and confiscate their property. On March 9, the emperor arrived in Tsarskoe Selo as Colonel Romanov.

The revolution takes over the whole country

From the capital, the revolution spreads throughout the country. On February 28, a strike begins at Moscow factories. The crowd reaches the Butyrskaya prison, from which 350 political prisoners are released. The revolutionaries take control of the telegraph, mail and telephone, railway stations, armory and the Kremlin. Gendarmes and police officers are arrested, and police detachments begin to form.

After Moscow, the revolution spreads throughout Russia. By March 3, revolutionary organs of power are being formed in Nizhny Novgorod, Vologda, and Saratov. In Samara, a crowd storms the governor's prison. When the news of the abdication of the emperor from the throne reaches Kyiv, the formation of new authorities immediately begins there. But if in most cities there is a dual power - the radical Soviets and the liberal Executive Committee are fighting, then in Kyiv there is also a nationalist Central Rada.

Formation of the Provisional Government

The main consequence of the February Revolution was the formation of the Provisional Government. It is headed by Prince Lvov, who remains in this post until July 1917, when Kerensky succeeds him.

The Provisional Government immediately stated that its main goal would be the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly, the elections to which are scheduled for September 17, but then postponed to November.

At the same time, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies enjoys serious influence. As a result, the Provisional Government is trying to follow the path of parliamentarism, seeking to make Russia a modern liberal and capitalist power on the Western model. The Petrograd Soviet stands for the revolutionary power of the working masses.

The main symbols of this revolution are red banners and bows. The fourth convocation of the State Duma plays a huge role in it, but then it quickly loses influence.

During the revolutionary events themselves, the role of deputy Kerensky, who, moreover, is a member of the Provisional Government, grows significantly. The results and consequences of the February Revolution are still being evaluated and discussed by many. One of the main decisions in the early days is the demand to abolish the death penalty, granting equal rights to all citizens, regardless of their gender, nationality and religion. Discriminatory restrictions are canceled, in particular, against Jews, before that they were restrained by the so-called Pale of Settlement, Jews could not live in the capitals and large cities of the empire.

All citizens, without exception, received the right to freely assemble, join any unions and associations, and trade unions really began to work in the country.

Another important consequence of the February Revolution was that the tsarist police, as well as the gendarmerie, were dissolved, their functions were transferred to the people's militia, which they began to call the militia. An Extraordinary Investigative Commission was also formed by the Provisional Government, which was engaged in investigating crimes committed by senior officials and tsarist ministers.

The provisional government actually began to consider itself a full-fledged successor to the monarchical state, trying to preserve the previously existing state apparatus.

Government crises

At the same time, the fact that the Provisional Government could not cope with the situation in the country can also be attributed to the results and consequences of the February Revolution. This resulted in government crises that began as early as May 3rd.

As a result, the government became coalition.

At the same time, a serious blow was dealt to the army, this was another consequence of the February Revolution in Russia. During the mass purge of commanding officers, officers who were close to the Duma opposition were appointed to key posts. The most prominent figures were Kolchak, Kornilov, Denikin.

Fear of dictatorship

Speaking briefly about the consequences of the February Revolution, it should be noted that the fear of a military dictatorship became all-encompassing. That is why Kerensky was in a hurry to consolidate the successes that had been achieved without waiting for the decisions of the Constituent Assembly.

The consequences of the February and October revolutions in Russia were decisive for the fate of the entire country in the 20th century. She said goodbye to the monarchy and went down a fundamentally different path.

The first stage of the 1917 revolution in Russia, which took place in early March (according to the Julian calendar - in late February - early March). It began with mass anti-government demonstrations by Petrograd workers and soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and as a result led to the abolition of the monarchy in Russia and the establishment of the power of the Provisional Government. In Soviet historical science, it was characterized as "bourgeois".

Russia on the eve of the revolution

Of all the great powers of Europe that participated in the First World War, Russia entered it the weakest economically. Then, in August 1914, in Petrograd it was believed that the war would last only a few months. But the hostilities dragged on. The military industry could not meet the demands of the army, the transport infrastructure was underdeveloped. Morale was declining not only in the army, but also in the rear: the villagers were dissatisfied with the departure of able-bodied workers into the army, the requisition of horses, and the reduction in the receipts of urban manufactured goods; city ​​dwellers - by tension at enterprises, rising high prices and interruptions in supply. By the beginning of 1917, the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire had deteriorated significantly. It became more and more difficult for the state to support the army and provide food for the cities, dissatisfaction with military hardships grew among the population and in the troops.

The progressive public was indignant at what was happening at the "top", criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the Duma. In the conditions of the passivity of state power, committees and associations were created throughout the country to solve those problems that the state could no longer solve: the Committee of the Red Cross tried to control the sanitary situation in the country, Zemsky and city unions - all-Russian military public organizations - tried to centralize the supply of the army. The Central Military Industrial Committee (TsVPK) in Petrograd became a kind of parallel ministry.

The cities were swept by a new wave of strikes and strikes. In January-February, the number of strikers reached 700,000, and 200,000 workers took part in the strike alone on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of Bloody Sunday in Petrograd. In some cities, the demonstrators came out under the slogan "Down with the autocracy!" Anti-war sentiments grew and gained popularity. The conclusion of a separate peace was called for by the Russian Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), whose leader V. I. Lenin became one of the most prominent figures in the Russian political emigration. Lenin's anti-war program was to turn the imperialist war into a civil war. The more moderate Social Democrats, such as N. S. Chkheidze and the leader of the Trudoviks, A. F. Kerensky, called themselves “defence workers” and advocated waging a defensive war in the name of the motherland, but not autocracy.

The authorities missed the opportunity to improve the situation: the emperor and his entourage consistently rejected proposals from liberal circles to expand the powers of the Duma and attract public figures to the government. Instead, a course was taken to neutralize the opposition: organizations that advocated the reorganization of power were closed, and instructions were sent to the army and police to suppress possible unrest.

Start of strikes in Petrograd

On February 19, due to transport difficulties in Petrograd, the food supply deteriorated. Food cards were introduced in the city. The next day, huge queues lined up at the doors of empty bakeries. On the same day, the administration of the Putilov factory announced a lockout due to interruptions in the supply of raw materials, and as a result, 36,000 workers lost their livelihoods. The government sided with the administration of the plant. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of the capital. Representatives of the legal, Duma opposition (Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, Trudovik A. F. Kerensky) tried to establish contacts with illegal organizations. A committee was set up to prepare a demonstration on February 23 (March 8, New Style), International Women's Day. At that time, up to 129,000 people were already on strike - a third of all the workers of Petrograd. They were supported by the intelligentsia, students, employees, artisans. Schools have been closed. The Bolsheviks at first did not support the initiative of the demonstration that day and joined it at the last moment. In the evening, the authorities introduced the so-called 3rd position in the capital - thus, from February 24, the city was transferred under the responsibility of the military. The police were mobilized and reinforced by Cossack and cavalry units, the troops occupied the main administrative buildings, the river police - crossings over the Neva. Military outposts were established on the main streets and squares, they were connected by horse patrols.

The spontaneous movement grew like an avalanche. On February 24, more than 200 thousand people were on strike, and on February 25 - more than 30 thousand. The strike turned into a general strike. Workers from all districts flocked to the city center, bypassing the police barriers by detours. Economic slogans were replaced by political ones: cries of “Down with the tsar!” were heard more and more often. and "Down with the war!" Armed squads were formed at the factories. The emperor was not aware of the scale of what was happening: on February 25, he ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District to stop the unrest in the capital until the next day, but by that moment the general was no longer able to do anything. On February 25-26, the first clashes between the strikers and the police and gendarmerie took place, hundreds of people were killed or injured, many were arrested. On February 26 alone, more than 150 people died on Nevsky Prospekt and Znamenskaya Square. On the same day, Nicholas II issued a decree dissolving the State Duma, thus missing the chance to move to a constitutional monarchy.

Demonstrations turn into revolution

On the night of February 27, part of the soldiers and officers of the "elite" Volyn and Preobrazhensky regiments rebelled. In a few hours, most of the regiments of the 200,000-strong Petrograd military garrison followed their example. The servicemen began to go over to the side of the demonstrators, to take over their protection. The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. The soldiers fastened red bows on hats and bayonets. The work of the authorities, including the government, was paralyzed, strategically important points and infrastructure facilities - stations, bridges, government offices, post office, central telegraph - came under the control of the rebels. The demonstrators also seized the Arsenal, where they took more than a hundred thousand guns. The mass demonstration, now armed, was joined not only by soldiers, but also by prisoners, including criminals released from the prisons of the capital. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery. Police stations were subjected to pogroms, and the police themselves were lynched: law enforcement officers were caught and, at best, beaten, and sometimes killed on the spot. Looting was carried out not only by freed criminals, but also by rebellious soldiers. Members of the government were arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the Duma had previously met. On February 27, the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was spontaneously formed here with the participation of Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, trade union leaders and cooperators. This body appealed to the collectives of factories and plants with an appeal to elect their representatives to the Petrograd Soviet. By the end of the same day, the first dozens of deputies were registered, and delegates from military units joined them. In the evening, the first meeting of the Council opened. The leader of the Social Democratic faction of the Duma, the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, became the chairman of the Executive Committee of the Soviet, and the Trudovik A. F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. I. Skobelev became his deputies. The Executive Committee also included the Bolsheviks P. A. Zalutsky and A. G. Shlyapnikov. The forces grouped around the Petrograd Soviet began to position themselves as representatives of "revolutionary democracy". The first thing the Council did was to solve the problems of defense and food supply.

Meanwhile, in the adjacent hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II to dissolve the Duma, formed the government. On February 27, the "Provisional Committee of the Members of the State Duma" was established, which declared itself the bearer of supreme power in the country. The Committee was headed by Duma Chairman M. V. Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the extreme right. The members of the committee created a broad political program of reforms necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers. To do this, the Provisional Committee needed to reach an agreement with the Petrograd Soviet.

Renunciation of NicholasII

Nicholas II spent all the days from February 24 to February 27 at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander in Mogilev. Poorly and untimely informed, he was sure that only "riots" were taking place in the capital. On February 27, he removed the head of the Petrograd Military District, S. S. Khabalov, and appointed General N. I. Ivanov to this position, giving the order to "put an end to the unrest." Chief of Staff of the Stavka M. V. Alekseev ordered Ivanov to refrain from forceful methods of restoring order, and by the evening of February 28, having enlisted the support of the front commanders, he convinced Nicholas II to agree to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma.

On the same day, February 28, the monarch left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo - there, in the imperial residence, was his wife, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, and their children, who were ill with measles. On the way, his train was detained by order of the revolutionary authorities and redirected to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. A delegation of the Provisional Committee of members of the State Duma also went there to propose to the emperor that he abdicate in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother of Nicholas II. The proposal of the Duma members was supported by the command of the army (fronts, fleets and Headquarters). On March 2, Nicholas II signed an act of abdication in favor of his brother. In Petrograd, this move caused a flurry of protests. Ordinary participants in the revolution and socialists from the Petrograd Soviet strongly opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky noted that he did not vouch for the life of the new monarch, and already on March 3, Grand Duke Mikhail abdicated the throne. In the act of abdication, he declared that the future of the monarchy would be decided by the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

Formation of a new government

By the morning of March 2, long and intense negotiations between the two centers of power - the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet - were completed. On this day, the composition of the new government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov was announced. Prior to the convocation of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the government proclaimed itself Provisional. The declaration of the Provisional Government set out a program of priority reforms: an amnesty for political and religious affairs, freedom of speech, press and assembly, the abolition of estates and restrictions on religious and national grounds, the replacement of the police by the people's militia, and elections to local governments. Fundamental questions - about the political system of the country, agrarian reform, self-determination of peoples - were supposed to be resolved after the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. It was precisely the fact that the new government did not solve the two main issues - the end of the war and the land - that was subsequently adopted by the Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.

On March 2, addressing the "sailors, soldiers and citizens" gathered in the Catherine's Hall, P. N. Milyukov announced the creation of the Provisional Government. He said that Prince Lvov would become the head of the government, and he himself would head the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The speech of the cadet leader was received with great enthusiasm. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik A.F. Kerensky.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution exposed the deep socio-economic, political and spiritual contradictions in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Various social groups tried to defend their interests and solve the accumulated problems. This led to the activation of already existing and the emergence of new organizations that sought to put pressure on the authorities. Following the example of Petrograd, Soviets began to appear throughout the country - in March 1917, there were about 600 of them only in provincial, district and industrial centers. Soldiers' committees were formed in the army environment, which quickly became the real owners of military units. By May 1917, there were almost 50 thousand such committees, they consisted of up to 300 thousand soldiers and officers. Workers at enterprises united in factory committees (FZK). Detachments of the Red Guard and workers' militia were formed in large cities. The number of trade unions reached two thousand by June.

The February Revolution also gave impetus to national movements. For the Finnish, Polish, Ukrainian, Baltic and other national intelligentsia, it became the key to obtaining autonomy, and then national independence. Already in March 1917, the Provisional Government agreed to the demand to grant independence to Poland, and the Ukrainian Central Rada appeared in Kyiv, which subsequently proclaimed the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine against the wishes of the Provisional Government.

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