Stolypin's school reform table. Stolypin's agrarian reform

Stolypin's reforms.

agrarian reform

In short, the main goal of Stolypin's agrarian reform was to create a wide stratum of wealthy peasants. In contrast to the 1861 reform, the emphasis was on the sole proprietor rather than the community. The former, communal form fettered the initiative of the hardworking peasants, but now, having freed themselves from the community and not looking back at the "wretched and drunk", they could dramatically increase the efficiency of their management. The law of 06/14/1910 stated that from now on, "every householder who owns allotment land on a communal basis may at any time demand the strengthening of his personal property, the part due to him from the designated land." Stolypin believed that the prosperous peasantry would become a real pillar of the autocracy. An important part of the Stolypin agrarian reform was the activity of the credit bank. This institution sold land to peasants on credit, either state-owned or purchased from landlords. Moreover, the interest rate on a loan for independent peasants was half that for communities. Through a credit bank, the peasants acquired in 1905-1914. about 9 and a half million hectares of land. However, at the same time, measures against non-payers were tough: the land was taken from them and again went on sale. Thus, the reforms not only made it possible to acquire land, but also encouraged them to actively work on it. Another important part of Stolypin's reform was the resettlement of peasants on free lands. The bill prepared by the government provided for the transfer of state lands in Siberia to private hands without redemption. However, there were also difficulties: there were not enough funds or land surveyors to carry out land management work. But despite this, migration to Siberia, as well as the Far East, Central Asia and the North Caucasus, was gaining momentum. The move was free, and specially equipped "Stolypin" cars made it possible to transport livestock by rail. The state tried to equip life in the places of resettlement: schools, medical centers, etc. were built.

Military reform

Russia's defeat in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. clearly demonstrated the need for early reforms in the army. Three areas of military policy can be singled out: streamlining the principles of manning the armed forces, their rearmament, and building the necessary infrastructure. During the years of the Stolypin reforms, a new military charter was developed, which clearly defined the procedure for conscription into the army, the rights and obligations of draft boards, benefits for serving military service, and, finally, the possibility of appealing against decisions of the authorities. In other words, the government sought to "write" the relationship between the citizen and the armed forces into the legal space of the Russian Empire.

The state increased appropriations both for the maintenance of the officer corps and for the re-equipment of the army. Considerable attention was paid to the construction of the Russian linear fleet. When laying new railway lines, the military-strategic interests of the state were also taken into account. In particular, the second route of the Siberian Railway, the Amur Railway, was supposed to facilitate the mobilization and transfer of forces from various parts of the empire and, accordingly, the very defense of the Far Eastern outskirts of Russia.

At the same time, P.A. Stolypin was a principled opponent of drawing Russia into a world war, believing that this would be an unbearable burden for the domestic economy, armed forces, and social structure. That is why he made exceptional efforts to ensure that the Bosnian crisis of 1908 did not develop into an armed clash. P.A. Stolypin was well aware that the systemic transformations he was carrying out could bear fruit only after a certain period of peaceful progressive development of Russia.

Zemstvo reform

Civil society institutions only come alive when they can participate in the decision-making process at all levels of government. Therefore, an important sign of the existence of a civil society is the developed forms of local self-government. In the Russian Empire, beginning in 1864, there was a zemstvo, which after 1890 had many features of a class institution and whose sphere of competence was very limited. P.A. Stolypin sought to qualitatively transform the system of local self-government in the name of its democratization and increase in efficiency.

As early as 1907, the “Regulations on Village Administration” and “Regulations on Volost Administration” were submitted to the State Duma. The bills envisaged the establishment of local self-government bodies at the lowest level - in the village society and the volost. Moreover, it was about the classless organization of these institutions. Thus, it was planned that the self-governing society would show its creative activity at all levels, from the village to the state. In addition, according to the “Main principles for the transformation of zemstvo and city public administrations”, the scope of competence of county and provincial zemstvos, as well as city governments, expanded, and the property qualification for participation in the work of these institutions decreased. In other words, the government sought to expand the circle of people who in one way or another participated in government.

However, P.A. Stolypin insisted on the abolition of the posts of zemstvo chief and district marshal of the nobility, who, having power, represented narrow class interests. Instead of them, it was supposed to establish the position of a district commissioner - an agent of the government at the settlement and volost bodies of local self-government. Government power acquired its representative at the county level as well, as the position of head of the county administration was established, which was in charge of all county government agencies and district chiefs. In turn, he himself directly reported to the governor. Thus, the government built a coherent administrative hierarchy capable of quickly responding to the challenges of the time.

P.A. Stolypin solved a twofold problem. On the one hand, he sought greater efficiency of power, eliminating everything contradictory and archaic that had accumulated over two centuries. On the other hand, this government had to be in close contact with the general public, entrusting them with many rights and powers. It was this kind of power that was supposed to become "one's own" for society.

Education reform

Systemic modernization without introducing the majority of the population to at least elementary knowledge about the world was impossible. Therefore, one of the most important directions of P.A. Stolypin - expansion and improvement of the education system. Thus, the Ministry of Public Education drafted a bill “On the introduction of universal primary education in the Russian Empire”, according to which it was supposed to provide elementary education for children of both sexes. The government developed measures aimed at the formation of a unified system of pedagogical institutions, when the gymnasium would serve as its system-forming element, and not as a separate elite institution. Large-scale projects in the field of public education required a new cadre of teachers. To do this, it was planned to create special courses for future teachers and teachers, while in Yaroslavl the government initiated the creation of a Teacher's Institute. The state spared no expense for the retraining of secondary school teachers and planned to organize study trips for them abroad. During the period of the Stolypin reforms, allocations for the needs of primary education almost quadrupled: from 9 million to 35.5 million rubles.

It was supposed to reform the system of higher education. Thus, the government developed a new University Charter, which provided higher education with broad autonomy: the opportunity to choose a rector, a significant area of competence of the University Council, etc. At the same time, clear rules were established for the functioning of student associations and organizations, which should have contributed to maintaining a healthy academic environment within the walls of educational institutions. The government considered it necessary to involve the public in the development of education. It was during the years of the Stolypin reforms that regulations were developed on the non-state Moscow Archaeological Institute, the Moscow Commercial Institute, the A.L. Shanyavsky.

At the same time, the development of the education system was understood by P.A. Stolypin in "connection" with the growth of scientific knowledge and the accumulation of cultural wealth. During the years of reforms, the government actively financed fundamental research, scientific expeditions, academic publications, restoration work, theater groups, the development of cinema, etc. During the premiership of P.A. Stolypin, a detailed “Regulation on the Protection of Antiquities” was prepared; a decision was made to create the Pushkin House in St. Petersburg; many projects were supported to organize museums in various parts of the empire.

The government created a favorable environment for the further progressive development of Russian culture and the introduction of an increasing number of Russian citizens to it. In fact, this was how a person's right to a decent life was realized, which meant the possibility of receiving a quality education and familiarizing with the cultural riches of the country.

social reform

At the turn of the XIX - XX centuries. in European politics came the realization of the social responsibility of the state for the standard of living of its citizens. A conviction was formed that the right to a dignified existence is an inalienable right of everyone, which must be guaranteed by the government. Otherwise, the society will never get out of a series of social conflicts, which eventually destabilize the entire political system. This motive will become one of the determining ones in the state activity of P.A. Stolypin.

His government made efforts to regulate relations between the employer and the worker in the name of protecting the interests, first of all, of the latter. Thus, it was supposed to ban the night work of women and adolescents, as well as their use in underground work. The working day of the teenager was reduced. At the same time, the employer was obliged to release him daily for 3 hours to study at school. In November 1906, the provisions of the Council of Ministers were approved, which established the necessary rest hours for employees of trade and craft establishments.

In 1908, the bills “On providing workers in case of illness” and “On insurance of workers against accidents” were submitted to the State Duma. The entrepreneur had to provide medical assistance to his employee. In the event of illness, the worker was provided with sickness funds of the workers' self-government. Payments were also established for the disabled and family members in the event of a worker's death from work-related injuries. Projects were developed to extend these norms to employees of state-owned enterprises (for example, subordinate to the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Communications).

At the same time, the government considered it necessary to legally secure the ability of citizens to defend their economic interests. Thus, it was proposed to allow workers to strike economic strikes, and, accordingly, to expand opportunities for self-organization, the creation of trade unions.

The purpose of social policy P.A. Stolypin - the formation of a full-fledged partnership between the employee and the employer within the framework of the emerging legal space, where the prerogatives and responsibilities of both parties would be clearly indicated. In other words, the government created the conditions for dialogue between people engaged in the common business of production, but often speaking "different languages".

Judicial reform

Human rights only fully become rights when they are guaranteed by the state, which implements the declared principles in the daily practice of law enforcement - i.e. in judiciary. Therefore, the judicial reform was to become an important element in the system of transformations of P.A. Stolypin.

The bill “On the transformation of the local court” was supposed to make the court cheaper and more accessible to the population. He envisaged the restoration in rural areas of the institution of justices of the peace, who would be elected by zemstvo assemblies (in the city - by city dumas). They would consider a limited range of civil cases and criminal cases that did not entail particularly severe punishments. Their decisions could be challenged in higher instances. In fact, the revival of the world court meant the rejection of the "fragments" of estate legal proceedings - the peasant volost and zemstvo chief, who mainly represented the local nobility. Accordingly, the practice of passing sentences according to the norms of the usual, i.e. unwritten law based on tradition and tradition. This was supposed to contribute to the rationalization of legal proceedings, saving him from endless misunderstandings, random and illogical decisions.

In addition, the government of P.A. Stolypin introduced a number of initiatives to the State Duma aimed at strengthening the unified legal space of the Russian Empire. It was supposed to determine human rights during the preliminary investigation, establish a suspended sentence, introduce the principle of civil and criminal liability of officials who encroached on the freedoms and rights of citizens. Moreover, in this case, it was about civil servants of the highest rank - the chairman of the Council of Ministers, other ministers, members of the State Duma and the State Council, governors, etc.

In other words, it was supposed to “weave” the declared civil liberties into the fabric of the laws of the Russian Empire, providing a procedure for their upholding and making the entire state and each bureaucrat separately responsible for their implementation.

In Russian society, the most important issue has always been agrarian. The peasants, who became free in 1861, did not actually receive ownership of the land. They were stifled by lack of land, the community, the landowners, therefore, during the revolution of 1905-1907, the fate of Russia was decided in the countryside.

All the reforms of Stolypin, who in 1906 headed the government, one way or another were aimed at transforming the countryside. The most important of them is land, called "Stolypin", although its project was developed before him.

Its purpose was to strengthen the position of a “strong sole proprietor”. This was the first step of the reform, which was carried out in three main directions:

The destruction of the community and the introduction of peasant private ownership of land instead of communal property;

Assistance to the kulaks through the Peasants' Bank and through the partial sale of state and noble lands to them;

Resettlement of peasants to the outskirts of the country.

The essence of the reform was that the government abandoned the previous policy of supporting the community and moved on to its violent breaking.

As you know, the community was an organizational and economic association of peasants for the use of a common forest, pasture and watering place, an alliance in relation to the authorities, a kind of social organism that gave villagers small life guarantees. Until 1906, the community was artificially preserved, as it was a convenient means of state control over the peasants. The community was responsible for the payment of taxes and various payments in the performance of state duties. But the community hindered the development of capitalism in agriculture. At the same time, communal land tenure delayed the natural process of stratification of the peasantry and placed a barrier in the way of the formation of a class of small proprietors. The inalienability of allotment lands made it impossible to obtain loans secured by them, and striping and periodic redistribution of land prevented the transition to more productive forms of its use, so giving peasants the right to freely leave the community was a long overdue economic necessity. A feature of the Stolypin agrarian reform was the desire to quickly destroy the community. The main reason for this attitude of the authorities towards the community was the revolutionary events and agrarian unrest in 1905-1907.

Another no less important goal of the land reform was the socio-political one, since it was necessary to create a class of small proprietors as the social support of the autocracy as the main cell of the state, which is opposed to all destructive theories.

The implementation of the reform was initiated by a tsarist decree of November 9, 1906, under the modest title "On Supplementing Some Decrees of the Current Law Concerning Peasant Land Ownership", according to which free exit from the community was allowed.

The land plots that had been in the use of the peasants since the last redistribution were assigned to the property, regardless of the change in the number of souls in the family. There was an opportunity to sell your allotment, as well as to allocate land in one place - on a farm or a cut. At the same time, all this involved the lifting of restrictions on the movement of peasants around the country, the transfer of part of the state and specific lands to the Peasant Land Bank to expand operations for the purchase and sale of land, the organization of a resettlement movement in Siberia in order to provide landless and landless peasants with allotments through the development of vast eastern expanses . But the peasants often did not have enough money to set up a farm in a new place. After 1909 there were fewer immigrants. Some of them, unable to withstand the difficult living conditions, returned.

The bank provided benefits to farmers. The Peasants' Bank also contributed to the creation of a layer of prosperous kulaks in the countryside.

From 1907 to 1916 in European Russia, only 22% of peasant households left the community. The emergence of a layer of farmers-farmers evoked resistance from the communal peasants, which was expressed in damage to livestock, crops, implements, beatings and arson of farmers. Only for 1909 - 1910. the police registered about 11,000 facts of arson farms.

Such a reform, for all its simplicity, meant a revolution in the soil structure. It was necessary to change the whole system of life and the psychology of the communal peasantry. For centuries, communal collectivism, corporatism, and leveling have been affirmed. Now it was necessary to move on to individualism, private property psychology.

The decree of November 9, 1906 was then transformed into permanent laws adopted on July 14, 1910 and May 19, 1911, which provided for additional measures to speed up the withdrawal of peasants from the community. For example, in the case of land management work to eliminate striping within the community, its members could henceforth be considered the owners of the land, even if they did not ask for it.

Consequences:

Accelerating the process of stratification of the peasantry,

Destruction of the peasant community

Rejection of the reform by a significant part of the peasantry.

Results:

Separation from the community by 1916 25 - 27% of peasant households,

The growth of agricultural production and the increase in the export of bread.

The Stolypin agrarian reform did not have time to give all the results expected from it. The initiator of the reform himself believed that it would take at least 20 years to gradually resolve the land issue. “Give the state 20 years of internal and external peace, and you will not recognize today's Russia,” said Stolypin. Neither Russia nor the reformer himself had these twenty years. However, over the 7 years of the actual implementation of the reform, noticeable successes were achieved: the sown area increased by a total of 10%, in areas where peasants left the community the most - by one and a half times, grain exports increased by one third. Over the years, the amount of mineral fertilizers used has doubled and the use of agricultural machinery has expanded. By 1914, farmers overtook the community in the supply of goods to the city and accounted for 10.3% of the total number of peasant households (according to L.I. Semennikova, this was a lot in a short time, but not enough on a national scale). By the beginning of 1916, farmers had personal cash deposits in the amount of 2 billion rubles.

The agrarian reform accelerated the development of capitalism in Russia. The reform stimulated not only the development of agriculture, but also industry and trade: a mass of peasants rushed to the cities, increasing the labor market, and the demand for agricultural and industrial products increased sharply. Foreign observers noted that “if things go the same way for most European nations between 1912-1950, as they did between 1900-1912, then by the middle of this century Russia will dominate Europe, both politically and economically. financially."

However, the majority of the peasants were still committed to the community. For the poor, she personified social protection, for the rich, an easy solution to their problems. Thus, it was not possible to radically reform the “soil”.

Stolypin carried out his reforms from 1906, when he was appointed prime minister until his death on September 5, which came from the bullets of assassins.

agrarian reform

Zemstvo

Being a supporter of zemstvo administration, Stolypin extended zemstvo institutions to some provinces where they did not exist before. It has not always been politically easy. For example, the implementation of the Zemstvo reform in the western provinces, historically dependent on the gentry, was approved by the Duma, which supported the improvement of the situation of the Belarusian and Russian population, which constituted the majority in these territories, but met with a sharp rebuff in the State Council, which supported the gentry.

Industry reform

The main stage in resolving the labor issue during the years of Stolypin's premiership was the work of the Special Meeting in 1906 and 1907, which prepared ten bills that affected the main aspects of labor in industrial enterprises. These were questions about the rules for hiring workers, accident and illness insurance, hours of work, and so on. Unfortunately, the positions of industrialists and workers (as well as those who incited the latter to disobedience and rebellion) were too far apart and the compromises found did not suit either one or the other (which was readily used by all kinds of revolutionaries).

national question

Stolypin was well aware of the importance of this issue in such a multinational country as Russia. He was a supporter of the unification, and not the disunity of the peoples of the country. He suggested creating a special ministry of nationalities, which would study the characteristics of each nation: history, traditions, culture, social life, religion, etc. - so that they would flow into our huge state with the greatest mutual benefit. Stolypin believed that all peoples should have equal rights and duties and be loyal to Russia. Also, the task of the new ministry was to be counteracting the internal and external enemies of the country, who sought to sow ethnic and religious discord.

Agrarian transformation (briefly - Stolypin's reform) is a generalized name for a whole range of activities that have been carried out in the field of agriculture since 1906. These changes were led by P. A. Stolypin. The main goal of all activities was to create conditions for attracting peasants to work on their land.

In the past, the system of such transformations (the reforms of P. A. Stolypin - briefly) was criticized in every possible way, today it is customary to praise it. At the same time, no one wants to fully understand it. It should also not be forgotten that Stolypin himself was not the author of the agrarian reform, it was only part of the general system of reforms conceived by him.

Stolypin as Minister of the Interior

The relatively young Stolypin came to power without much struggle and labor. His candidacy was nominated in 1905 by Prince A. D. Obolensky, who was his relative and chief prosecutor of the Synod. The opponent of this candidacy was S. Yu. Witte, who saw another person as the Minister of the Interior.

Having come to power, Stolypin failed to change the attitude of the Cabinet of Ministers. Many officials never became his like-minded people. For example, V. N. Kakovo, who held the post of Minister of Finance, was very skeptical about Stolypin's ideas regarding the solution of the agrarian issue - he spared money for this.

In order to protect himself and his family, Stolypin, at the suggestion of the tsar, moved to the Winter Palace, which was reliably guarded.

The most difficult decision for him was the adoption of a decree on courts-martial. He later admitted that he was forced to bear this "heavy cross" against his own will. Stolypin's reforms are described below (briefly).

General description of the modernization program

When the peasant movement began to decline by the autumn of 1906, the government announced its plans regarding the agrarian issue. The so-called Stolypin program began with a decree dated 09.11.1906. Stolypin's agrarian reform followed, briefly described in the article.

While still the governor of Saratov, the future minister wanted to organize assistance for the creation of strong individual farms for peasants on the basis of state lands. Such actions were supposed to show the peasants a new path and encourage them to abandon communal land ownership.

Another official, V. I. Gurko, developed a project whose goal was to create farms on peasant lands, and not on state lands. The difference was significant. But even this Gurko considered not the most important. Its main goal was to secure allotment land in the ownership of the peasants. According to this plan, any member of the peasant community could take away his allotment, and no one had the right to reduce or change it. This would allow the government to split the community. The Stolypin reform (briefly - agrarian) was required by the unfavorable situation in the empire.

The situation in the country on the eve of the reform

In 1905-1907, as part of the revolution, peasant unrest took place in Russia. Together with problems within the country in 1905, Russia lost the war with Japan. All this spoke of serious problems that needed to be addressed.

At the same time, the State Duma begins its work. She gave the go-ahead to the reforms of Witte and Stolypin (briefly - agrarian).

Directions

The transformations were supposed to create strong economic allotments and destroy the collective ownership of land, which hampered further development. It was necessary to eradicate obsolete class restrictions, to encourage the purchase of land from landlords, to increase the turnover for running one's own economy through lending.

Stolypin's agrarian reform, which is briefly described in the article, was aimed at improving allotment land ownership and practically did not concern private property.

Main stages of modernization

By May 1906, a congress of noble societies was held, at which D. I. Pestrzhetsky made a report. He was one of the officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who was developing an agricultural project. His report criticized possible land transformations. It stated that throughout the country the peasants had no problems with a lack of land, and the nobles had no reason to alienate it. Some cases of land shortage were proposed to be solved by buying allotments through a bank and resettlement to the outskirts of the country.

The report caused ambiguous judgments of the nobles on this matter. The views on the reforms of Witte and Stolypin (briefly - agrarian reform) were just as ambiguous. There were also those (Count D. A. Olsufiev) who offered to compromise with the peasants. This meant selling them land, keeping the bulk of it. But such reasoning did not meet with support or even sympathy from the majority of those present.

The only thing on which almost everyone at the congress was unanimous was the negative attitude towards the communities. K. N. Grimm, V. L. Kushelev, A. P. Urusov and others attacked the peasant communities. Regarding them, the phrase was heard that "this is a swamp in which everything that could be in the open gets stuck." The nobles believed that for the benefit of the peasants, the community must be destroyed.

Those who tried to raise the question of the alienation of landowners' lands received no support. Back in 1905, when the manager of land management, N.N. Kutler, suggested that the tsar solve the problem of the lack of land for the peasants in this way, the ruler refused him and dismissed him.

Stolypin was also not an adherent of the forced expropriation of land, believing that everything goes on as usual. Some of the nobles, fearing the revolution, sold their land to the Peasants' Bank, which divided it into small plots and sold it to those peasants who were cramped in the community. This was the main point of Stolypin's reform briefly.

During 1905-1907, the bank bought more than 2.5 million acres of land from the landlords. However, the peasants, fearing the liquidation of private land ownership, practically did not make land purchases. During this time, only 170 thousand acres were sold by the bank. The activities of the bank caused discontent among the nobles. Further, land sales began to increase. The reform began to bear fruit only after 1911.

The results of Stolypin's reforms

Briefly statistics on the results of the agrarian reform:

more than 6 million households have filed an application for fixing allotments in private ownership;
by the February Revolution, about 30% of the land was transferred to the ownership of peasants and partnerships;
with the help of the mediation of the Peasants' Bank, the peasants acquired 9.6 million acres;
landlord farms lost their significance as a mass phenomenon; by 1916, almost all land sowings were peasants.

Revolution 1905 - 1907

Causes, tasks, driving forces. The causes of the revolution were rooted in the economic and socio-political structure of Russia. The unresolved agrarian-peasant question, the preservation of landownership and peasant land shortages, the high degree of exploitation of the working people of all nations, the autocratic system, the complete lack of political rights and the absence of democratic freedoms, the arbitrariness of bureaucratic police and the accumulated social protest - all this could not but give rise to a revolutionary explosion. The catalyst that accelerated the emergence of the revolution was the deterioration in the material situation of the working people due to the economic crisis of 1900-1903. and a shameful defeat for tsarism in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905.

The tasks of the revolution are the overthrow of the autocracy, the convening of the Constituent Assembly to establish a democratic system, the elimination of class inequality; introduction of freedom of speech, assembly, parties and associations; the abolition of landownership and the allocation of land to the peasants; reduction of the working day to 8 hours, recognition of the right of workers to strike and the creation of trade unions; achievement of equality of the peoples of Russia. In the implementation of these tasks were interested in the broad sections of the population.

The revolution was attended by: workers and peasants, soldiers and sailors, most of the middle and petty bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and employees. Therefore, in terms of goals and composition of participants, it was nationwide and had a bourgeois-democratic character.

stages of the revolution. The revolution lasted 2.5 years (from January 9, 1905 to June 3, 1907). It went through several stages in its development. The prologue of the revolution was the events in St. Petersburg - the general strike and Bloody Sunday. On January 9, workers who were going to the tsar with a petition were shot. It was compiled by the participants of the "Assembly of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg" under the leadership of G. A. Gapon. The petition contained the request of the workers to improve their financial situation and political demands - the convening of the Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal and secret suffrage, the introduction of democratic freedoms. This was the reason for the execution, as a result of which more than 1200 people were killed and about 5 thousand were wounded. In response, the workers took up arms and began to build barricades.

First stage. From January 9 to the end of September 1905, the beginning and development of the revolution along an ascending line, its deployment in depth and breadth. More and more masses of the population were drawn into it. It gradually covered all regions of Russia. Main events: January-February strikes and protest demonstrations in response to Bloody Sunday under the slogan "Down with autocracy!"; spring-summer demonstrations of workers in Moscow, Odessa, Warsaw, Lodz, Riga and Baku (more than 800,000); the creation in Ivanovo-Voznesensk of a new body of workers' power - the Council of Authorized Deputies; uprising of sailors on the battleship "Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky"; the mass movement of peasants and agricultural workers in 1/5 of the districts of Central Russia, in Georgia and Latvia; the creation of the Peasants' Union, which made political demands. During this period, part of the bourgeoisie financially and morally supported popular uprisings. Under the pressure of the revolution, the government made its first concession and promised to convene the State Duma. (After the name of the Minister of Internal Affairs, it was named Bulyginskaya.) An attempt to create a legislative body with significantly limited electoral rights of the population in the conditions of the development of the revolution.

Second phase. October - December 1905 - the highest rise of the revolution. Main events: the general All-Russian October political strike (more than 2 million participants) and, as a result, the publication of the Manifesto on October 17 "On the improvement of the state order", in which the tsar promised to introduce some political freedoms and convene a legislative State Duma based on a new electoral law; peasant riots that led to the abolition of redemption payments; performances in the army and navy (uprising in Sevastopol under the leadership of Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt); December strikes and uprisings in Moscow, Kharkov, Chita, Krasnoyarsk and other cities. The government suppressed all armed uprisings. In the midst of the uprising in Moscow, which caused a special political resonance in the country, on December 11, 1905, a decree “On changing the situation on elections to the State Duma” was published and preparations for elections were announced. This act allowed the government to reduce the intensity of revolutionary passions. The bourgeois-liberal strata, frightened by the sweep of the movement, recoiled from the revolution. They welcomed the publication of the Manifesto and the new electoral law, believing that this meant the weakening of the autocracy and the beginning of parliamentarism in Russia. Using the promised freedoms, they began to create their own political parties.

In October 1905, on the basis of the Union of Liberation and the Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists, the Constitutional Democratic Party was formed. (cadets). Its members expressed the interests of the middle urban bourgeoisie and intelligentsia. Their leader was the historian P. N. Milyukov. The program included the demand for the establishment of a parliamentary democratic system in the form of a constitutional monarchy, universal suffrage, the introduction of broad political freedoms, an 8-hour working day, the right to strike and trade unions. The Cadets spoke out for the preservation of a single and indivisible Russia with the granting of autonomy to Poland and Finland. The program of the Cadets implied the modernization of the political system of Russia according to the Western European model. The Cadets became a party in opposition to the tsarist government.

In November 1905 was created "Union 17 October". The Octobrists expressed the interests of the big industrialists, the financial bourgeoisie, the liberal landowners and the wealthy intelligentsia. The leader of the party was businessman A. I. Guchkov. The program of the Octobrists provided for the establishment of a constitutional monarchy with a strong executive power of the tsar and a legislative Duma, the preservation of a single and indivisible Russia (with the granting of autonomy to Finland). They were ready to cooperate with the government, although they recognized the need for some reforms. They proposed to solve the agrarian issue without affecting the landownership (dissolve the commune, return the cuts to the peasants, reduce the land hunger in the center of Russia by moving the peasants to the outskirts).

Conservative-monarchist circles organized in November 1905 "Union of the Russian people" and in 1908 "Union of Michael the Archangel"(Black Hundreds). Their leaders were Dr. A. I. Dubrovin, large landowners N. E. Markov and V. M. Purishkevich. They fought against any revolutionary and democratic actions, insisted on strengthening the autocracy, the integrity and indivisibility of Russia, maintaining the dominant position of the Russians and strengthening the position of the Orthodox Church. Third stage. From January 1906 to June 3, 1907 - the sweetness and retreat of the revolution. The main events: "rearguard battles of the proletariat", which had an offensive, political character (in 1906, 1.1 million workers participated in strikes, in 1907 - 740 thousand); the new scope of the peasant movement (half of the landowners' estates in the center of Russia were on fire); uprisings of sailors (Kronstadt and Svea-borg); national liberation movement (Poland, Finland, the Baltic states, Ukraine).

Gradually, the wave of popular uprisings weakened. The center of gravity in the social movement has shifted to the polling stations and the State Duma. Elections to it were not universal (farms, women, soldiers, sailors, students and workers employed in small enterprises did not participate in them). Each estate had its own norms of representation: the vote of 1 landowner was equal to 3 votes of the bourgeoisie, 15 votes of peasants and 45 votes of workers. The outcome of the elections was determined by the ratio of the number of electors. The government still counted on the monarchical commitment and Duma illusions of the peasants, so a relatively high representation rate was set for them. The elections were not direct: for the peasants - four-stage, for the workers - three-stage, for the nobles and the bourgeoisie - two-stage. An age limit (25 years) and a high property qualification for citizens was introduced in order to ensure the advantage of the big bourgeoisie in the elections. I State Duma (April - June 1906). Among its deputies there were 34% Cadets, 14% Octobrists, 23% Trudoviks (a faction close to the Social Revolutionaries and expressing the interests of the peasantry). The Social Democrats were represented by the Mensheviks (about 4% of the seats). The Black Hundreds did not enter the Duma. The Bolsheviks boycotted the elections. Contemporaries called the First State Duma "The Duma of people's hopes for a peaceful path." However, its legislative rights were curtailed even before the convocation. In February 1906, the deliberative State Council was transformed into the upper legislative chamber. The new “Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire, published in April before the opening of the Duma, retained the formula of the emperor’s supreme autocratic power and left the tsar the right to issue decrees without its approval, which contradicted the promises of the Manifesto of October 17. Nevertheless, some limitation of autocracy was achieved, since the State Duma received the right to legislative initiative, new laws could not be adopted without its participation. The Duma had the right to send requests to the government, to express its distrust of it, and to approve the state budget. The Duma proposed a program for the democratization of Russia. It provided for: the introduction of ministerial responsibility to the Duma; the guarantee of all civil liberties; the establishment of universal free education; carrying out agrarian reform; meeting the demands of national minorities; the abolition of the death penalty and a complete political amnesty. The government did not accept this program, which intensified its confrontation with the Duma. The main issue in the Duma was the agrarian question. The bottom of the bill was discussed: the Cadets and the Trudoviks. Both of them stood for the creation of a "state land fund" from state, monastic, appanage and part of the landlords' lands. However, the Cadets recommended not to touch the profitable landowners' estates. They proposed to redeem the seized part of the landlords' land from the owners "at a fair assessment" at the expense of the state. The project of the Trudoviks provided for the alienation of all privately owned lands free of charge, leaving their owners with only a “labor norm”. In the process of discussion, some of the Trudoviks put forward an even more radical project - the complete destruction of private ownership of land, the declaration of natural resources and subsoil as a national property. The government, supported by all the conservative forces of the country, rejected all the projects. 72 days after the opening of the Duma, the tsar dissolved it, declaring that it did not calm the people, but kindled passions. Repressions were intensified: courts-martial and punitive detachments operated.

In April 1906, P. A. Stolypin was appointed Minister of the Interior, who became Chairman of the Council of Ministers in July of the same year (created in October 1905). P. A. Stolypin (1862-1911) - from a family of large landowners, quickly made a successful career in the Ministry of the Interior, was the governor of a number of provinces. He received personal gratitude from the tsar for the suppression of peasant unrest in the Saratov province in 1905. Possessing a broad state outlook and decisive character, he became the central political figure in Russia at the final stage of the revolution and in subsequent years. He took an active part in the development and implementation of agrarian reform. The main political idea of P. A. Stolypin was that reforms can be successfully carried out only if there is a strong state power. Therefore, his policy of reforming Russia was combined with an intensification of the fight against the revolutionary movement, police repression and punitive actions. In September 1911, he died as a result of a terrorist act. II State Duma (February - June 1907). During the elections of the new Duma, the right of workers and peasants to participate in them was curtailed. Agitation of radical parties was forbidden, their rallies were dispersed. The tsar wanted to get an obedient Duma, but he miscalculated. The Second State Duma turned out to be even more left-wing than the first. The Cadet Center "melted" (19% of seats). The right flank strengthened - 10% of the Black Hundreds, 15% of the Octobrists and bourgeois-nationalist deputies entered the Duma. The Trudoviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social Democrats formed a left bloc with 222 seats (43%). As before, the agrarian question was central. The Black Hundreds demanded that the landowner's property be kept intact, and that allotment peasant lands be withdrawn from the community and the cuts should be divided among the peasants. This project coincided with the government's agrarian reform program. The Cadets abandoned the idea of creating a state fund. They offered to buy part of the land from the landowners and transfer it to the peasants, dividing the costs equally between them and the state. The Trudoviks again put forward their project of alienating all privately owned lands free of charge and distributing them according to the "labor norm". The Social Democrats demanded the complete confiscation of landlords' land and the creation of local committees to distribute it among the peasants. Projects for the expropriation of landed estates frightened the government. It was decided to disperse the Duma. She lasted 102 days. The pretext for the dissolution was the accusation of the deputies of the Social Democratic faction of preparing a coup d'état. In fact, the coup d'état was carried out by the government. On June 3, 1907, simultaneously with the Manifesto on the dissolution of the Second State Duma, a new electoral law was published. This act was a direct violation of Article 86 of the Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire, according to which no new law could be adopted without the approval of the State Council and the State Duma. June 3 is considered the last day of the revolution of 1905-1907.

The meaning of the revolution. The main result was that the supreme power was forced to change the socio-political system of Russia. New state structures were formed in it, testifying to the beginning of the development of parliamentarism. A certain limitation of autocracy was achieved, although the tsar still had the opportunity to make legislative decisions and all the fullness of executive power. The socio-political situation of Russian citizens has changed; democratic freedoms were introduced, censorship was abolished, it was allowed to organize trade unions and legal political parties. The bourgeoisie received a wide opportunity to participate in the political life of the country. The material situation of the workers has improved. In a number of branches of industry, wages increased and the length of the working day decreased to 9-10 hours. The peasants achieved the abolition of redemption payments. The freedom of movement of peasants was expanded and the power of zemstvo chiefs was limited. An agrarian reform began, destroying the community and strengthening the rights of peasants as landowners, which contributed to the further capitalist evolution of agriculture. The end of the revolution led to the establishment of temporary internal political stabilization

Stolypin's reforms (briefly)

Stolypin carried out his reforms from 1906, when he was appointed prime minister until his death on September 5, which came from the bullets of assassins.

agrarian reform

Zemstvo

Industry reform

national question