Valentin Petrovich Kataev. Valentin kataev

Kataev A.M. The last years of renovationism in the context of state-church relations in 1943-1945. // Arrival. Orthodox economic bulletin. - 2006. - No. 4.5.

1. From the history of the Renovationist schism in the Russian Orthodox Church in the first half of the 20th century.

The Renovationist schism of the Russian Orthodox Church was organized by the Politburo and the GPU in 1922. The Renovationist movement was created as a "Soviet" alternative to the "Black Hundred", "Tikhonov" Church. The organs of the GPU prepared the seizure of central church power by a group of renovationists, which took place in mid-May 1922. A convenient moment for introducing a schism into the church environment was the seizure of church valuables, which began in February - March 1922 under the pretext of raising funds for the starving. It was during this period that the GPU began preparations for the seizure of church power by specially selected representatives of the clergy. The role of the developer of the church schism strategy was assigned to L.D. Trotsky, who in March 1922, in his letters to the Politburo, determined the direction of work to split the Church. In the same period, repressions began against Patriarch Tikhon and prominent representatives of the clergy. Formed on May 19, 1922, immediately after the house arrest of Patriarch Tikhon, the Renovationist Higher Church Administration (HCU) was headed by the provincial Bishop Antonin (Granovsky). At this stage, the GPU was relying on its agent, the priest V. Krasnitsky, and the "Living Church" headed by him, with the help of which the Chekists tried to decompose the Church from within, implanting the clergy "with a tarnished reputation", anti-canonical reforms, etc. After the formation of the HCU, intensive work began on the creation of renewal structures in the localities. From the secretariat of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) telegrams were sent to all provincial committees of the RCP(b) in which they spoke of the need to support the renovationist structures being created. The GPU actively put pressure on the ruling bishops in order to achieve their recognition of the HCU and the Living Church. Repressions were organized against the "Tikhonovsky" clergy.

However, in the central provinces of Russia, the renovationist bodies of church administration were far from being created everywhere. In the north and northwest of Russia, the organizational formation of renovationist centers took place at an average pace. In the west of the country: in the Smolensk, Minsk, Gomel dioceses, renovationism in the summer of 1922 gained little distribution. During this period, the staff of the GPU were not able to achieve much success in organizing the Renovationist split in the Volga region. By August 1922, the renewal movement had little spread in the provinces. There were only a few cases when the HCU was recognized by the ruling diocesan bishops. As a rule, renovationist dioceses were headed by former vicars with the support of the authorities. In August 1922, the Living Church congress was held. It was decided to allow the consecration of married presbyters as bishops, the second marriage of clergy, monks in holy orders to marry without removing their rank, clergy and bishops to marry widows, and some canonical restrictions on marriage were also abolished. Many who previously recognized the HCU after coming to the leadership of this body of the Living Church members dissociated themselves from it.

Immediately after the end of the congress, the head of the 6th department of the Secret Department of the GPU-OGPU E.A. Tuchkov began to form special renovationist groups: the "Union of Church Revival" (CCV) was added to the "Living Church" group, which continued to exist, headed by Antonin (Granovsky), who had already taken the title of "Metropolitan", who dissociated himself from the "Living Church", calling it "priestly union that wants only wives, awards and money." He was supported by those who considered V. Krasnitsky too leftist and strove for moderation, and those who were against the destruction of the canonical structure of the Church. However, being a supporter of a radical liturgical reform and an implacable opponent of Patriarch Tikhon, Bishop Antonin was subsequently banned by the Patriarch from serving. In a letter to Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky), Antonin called V. Krasnitsky and his "Living Church" "the seat of the destroyers", and explained his temporary alliance with them with considerations of "state order, so as not to split the schism among the people and not open church civil strife."

For the left radicals, the "Union of Communities of the Ancient Apostolic Church" (SODATS) was created, headed by Archpriest Alexander Vvedensky. The SODAC program was frankly anti-canonical in nature and included demands for "renewal of religious morality", the introduction of a married episcopate, the closure of "degenerate" monasteries, and the embodiment of the ideas of "Christian socialism". After the creation of these groups in Moscow, their intensive planting in the regions began.

Since October 1922, the Anti-Religious Commission under the Central Committee of the RCP(b) took over the overall leadership of activities to support renovationism. On October 16, at a meeting of the VCU, it was reorganized, Antonin (Granovsky) became chairman again, who received two deputies - A. Vvedensky and V. Krasnitsky.

On April 29, 1923, the Renovationist "Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church" was opened in Moscow, among others 22 bishops of the old order took part in it. The main decision of the council from the point of view of power was the announcement of Patriarch Tikhon "deprived of his dignity and monasticism and returned to his primitive secular position." The Supreme Church Council (SSC) was also elected. The cathedral received a sharply negative assessment of the majority of believers.

After the release of Patriarch Tikhon on June 27, 1923 from prison, the authorities began to apply a new tactic of work to lead the Renovationist schism. The task was set to subordinate all renovationist groups to a single central body, which was supposed to acquire a more respectable appearance in order to resist "Tikhonovism." In August 1923, a decision was made to form the "Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church" instead of the All-Russian Orthodox Church. Having abandoned many church reforms, the Renovationists positioned themselves no longer as a renewed church, but as a "Soviet" church. It was the "counter-revolutionary" nature of Patriarch Tikhon that they used as the main argument in their polemic with the Patriarchal Church.

On April 2/15, 1924, Patriach Tikhon banned the leaders of the Renovationist schism from serving in the priesthood, and forbade them to have prayerful communion with the Renovationists. Subsequently, it was this date that served as a criterion for determining the dignity in which the repentant Renovators were accepted into the bosom of the Mother Church. If the ordination or consecration of Renovationists was performed before this date, then it was recognized on the condition that it was performed by bishops, although Renovationists, who received canonical consecration before going into schism.

2. The rise of renovationism

A new period began in the government's policy towards the Patriarchal Church and the tactics of supporting renovationism.

The renovationist synod was headed by Metropolitan Evdokim Meshchersky. In 1928 he was replaced in this post by Bishop Veniamin Muratovsky, and in 1930 Metropolitan Vitaly Vvedensky formally headed the Renovationist leadership. A certain upsurge of renovationism in 1925 was associated with the holding at the end of January of that year of an expanded plenum of the renovationist synod.

As of January 1, 1925, the renovationists owned 13,650 churches. By April, according to the lists presented to the head of the 6th branch of the Secret Department of the OGPU, E.A. Tuchkov by the Renovation Synod, 139 bishops were directly subordinate to the latter. In addition, the Far Eastern Regional Church Administration included 8 bishops, and 21 bishops were under the jurisdiction of the Siberian Regional Church Council. In total, there were 172 Renovationist bishops in the USSR. Of these, 36 people were ordained bishops before May 1922, 48 bishops were married. In his message, signed on July 28, 1925, Metropolitan Peter (Polyansky), Locum Tenens of the Patriarchal Throne, wrote about the uncanonicity of the Renovationist Church, their separation from the Church.

The "III Local Council of the Orthodox Church* on the Territory of the USSR" was held in Moscow from October 1 to October 10, 1925. It was attended by 334 delegates with a decisive vote - bishops, clergy, and laity. Some of the delegates hoped for reconciliation with the Patriarchal Church. However, instead of reconciliation, the split deepened. In June 1926, E.A. Tuchkov wrote: "Supporters of the renovationist church are constantly fighting the reactionary church, exposing its counter-revolutionary essence, and the Council of 1925 officially spoke out against the modern Black Hundred policy of the reactionary church."

3. The beginning of the "end"

After the Council of 1925, Renovationism began to lose its supporters catastrophically. If on October 1, 1925, the Renovationists owned 9,093 parishes throughout the country (about 30% of the total), on January 1, 1926 - 6,135 (21.7%), then on January 1, 1927 - 3,341 (16 .6%).

At the end of 1925, a line was outlined to limit the public activities of the Renovationists, and at the end of the 1920s. began a rapid decline in renovationism. In 1929, A. Vvedensky's public disputes ceased. In 1931, the Renovationist theological schools ceased to exist, and the Bulletin of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church ceased to be published. From the end of 1935, mass arrests of the episcopate, clergy, and active laity of the Renovation Church began, but some of them were released when it turned out that they had been collaborating with the OGPU-NKVD for a long time. If at the beginning of 1938 there were still 49 ruling Renovationist bishops and 31 who were at rest, then a year later, as a result of repressions, only a third of them remained, and then even fewer. In 1939, First Hierarch Vitaly Vvedensky generally forbade diocesan bishops from visiting their parish churches, as well as any ordination of priests. Since 1939, Metropolitan Vitaly, despite repeated requests, did not appoint anyone to the empty departments either. This was due to the consequences of mass repressions, which affected a significant part of the Renovationist clergy.

4. Renovationism during the war years

On the eve of the Great Patriotic War, the authorities were especially interested in the absolute loyalty of the servants of the Church. The authorities had no doubts about the loyalty of the Renovationists, many of whom were informers or secret employees of the NKVD. Some strengthening of renovationism is connected with this: in April 1941, the Higher Church Administration was restored, headed by Metropolitans Vitaly Vvedensky and Alexander Vvedensky. The latter begins to actively travel around the country, makes revisions of temples. On May 24, 1941, he came to Leningrad, where since 1938 there had been no ruling Renovationist bishop, and the diocese was temporarily ruled by Protopresbyter Alexy Abakumov. Such a strengthening of renovationism could not take place without the sanction and approval of the NKGB of the USSR. On the very first day of the war, the leaders of the Renovation Church, Metropolitans Vitaly and Alexander, issued a patriotic appeal.

In historiography, the assertion is widespread that from the beginning of the war the authorities stopped supporting the Renovationists, which resulted in the transfer of some of them to the Patriarchal Church. "The Renovationists, supported before the start of the Great Patriotic War by the official authorities, with the loss of this support, lost their influence on the believers. The most far-sighted of them began to move to the Tikhonov church. So, already in 1941, he repented and was received by Metropolitan Sergius in the rank of archbishop former Renovationist Metropolitan Vasily (Ratmirov). He was a member of the Renovationist Synod, but before the war he renounced his rank and became a simple clerk of the same Synod as a layman. Archbishop Vasily hid this fact from Metropolitan Sergius, otherwise he could only be reunited by a layman."

However, the acceptance of Vasily Ratmirov into the Patriarchal Church in 1941 was due not to his repentance, but to other reasons. Who ordained him and when, has not yet been documented. The available indications that Patriarch Tikhon did this in 1921 look doubtful, it is more likely that the renovationists did it. From 1927 to 1932, Vasily Ratmirov served his sentence in prison, in 1932 he was listed as the renovationist Bishop of Armavir, then became the Metropolitan of Kursk. According to the memoirs of the Kursk clergy, he came to the service at the cathedral "shaven, in a civilian suit, with a cigarette in his mouth under the arm with his wife." Then he was the manager of the affairs of Metropolitan Vitaly Vvedensky. On August 30, 1939, he retired, then renounced his dignity and went to work in a civil institution. Similar abdications in 1938-1939. were quite massive and, as a rule, they were committed by the clergy, associated with cooperation with the NKVD on the orders of the latter. Thus, in January 1938, Nikolay Platonov, the Renovationist "Metropolitan of Leningrad," renounced God through a newspaper.

In July 1941, Vasily Ratmirov was received in the present rank of bishop into communion by Metropolitan Sergius. On August 27, he was appointed Bishop of Kalinin. This was part of a plan by the Soviet secret services to use Ratmirov in an intelligence operation against the Germans. In 1942, the head of the 2nd department of the NKVD (intelligence, terror and sabotage behind enemy lines) P.A. Sudoplatov used it in the following way. “Operation Novices was carried out under the guise of an anti-Soviet religious underground, as it were, existing in Kuibyshev, supported by the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow. According to legend, this underground was headed by Bishop Ratmirov. He worked under the control of Zoya Rybkina in Kalinin when the city was in the hands of the Germans. With the assistance of Bishop Ratmirov and Metropolitan Sergius, we managed to introduce two young NKVD officers into the circle of churchmen who collaborated with the Germans in the occupied territory. After the liberation of the city, the bishop moved to Kuibyshev. On his behalf, we sent them from Kuibyshev under the guise of novices to the Pskov Monastery with information to the abbot, who collaborated with the German invaders ... our two "novice" officers launched a vigorous activity in the monastery. There were quite a few NKVD agents among the church ministers, which made their work easier.”

On March 22, 1943, Ratmirov was also appointed head of the Smolensk department with the title "Archbishop of Kalinin and Smolensk." According to priests who knew Bishop Vasily in those years, "the latter was a morally depraved person, but with his high-ranking connections he helped a lot both the existence of parishes and the salvation of priests from the hands of the NKVD."

After the war, by order of I.V. Stalin, Archbishop Vasily Ratmirov was awarded a gold watch and a medal. However, he understood that after he ceased to be needed by special agencies, he would not be able to stay in his place, since the church leadership was well aware of his true appearance. He was engaged in financial fraud, embezzling church money. When this came to light in 1946, in order to avoid investigation, he applied for retirement "due to illness." At the meeting of the Synod on May 13, 1947, where he was summoned to report on the missing money, he did not appear and was banned from serving. According to a statement from the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, "the former Archbishop of Minsk and Belarus, Vasily, embezzled more than 10 million [ions] rubles of church money. He was fired and defrocked." Thus, Vasily Ratmirov's "repentance" was an action by the authorities to introduce into the Patriarchal Church a person necessary for carrying out an operation by special services.

The patriotic activity of the Patriarchal Church, the close cooperation of the hierarchy with the authorities in the fight against the invaders made it possible to change the attitude of the authorities towards the Russian Orthodox Church. P. A. Sudoplatov points to the consolidating role of the Russian Orthodox Church "in the growing anti-fascist movement of the Slavic peoples in the Balkans", as well as Roosevelt's requests to improve the position of the Church as the reasons that prompted Stalin to take decisions in September 1943.

It should also be noted the patriotic activity of the renovationist clergy, which the authorities also could not help but notice. Since October 1941, Alexander Vvedensky, the only head of the Renovationists, actively sent out his patriotic appeals.

However, the patriotic activity of the Patriarchal Church was more significant due to the fact that it enjoyed the support of a much larger number of believers.

In 1942 - the first half of 1943, government agencies began to gradually reject the Renovationists. This was due to a change in policy towards the Patriarchal Church.

After the meeting I.V. Stalin with the hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church on September 5, 1943, the fate of the Renovationist Church was sealed. The change in the attitude of the authorities towards the Church deprived the existence of the Renovationist Church of meaning, since the Renovationism was supported by the authorities in order to weaken the "reactionary", "counter-revolutionary" Patriarchal Church. However, the discrediting of renovationism as a phenomenon that arose on the basis of the idea of ​​absolute loyalty to the Soviet government, this government could not allow.

After the election of Metropolitan Sergius as Patriarch on September 8, 1943, some Renovationist bishops turned to the Patriarchate with a request to be accepted into the bosom of the Russian Orthodox Church. In his note I.V. Stalin dated October 12, 1943, Chairman of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR G.G. Karpov mentioned that by this time Archbishop Pyotr Turbin of Tula, Archbishop Mikhail Postnikov, and Archbishop Andrei Rastorguev, head of the Moscow diocese, had declared their desire to join the Russian Orthodox Church. In the memorandum of G.G. Karpov wrote: “The Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, proceeding from the fact that the Renovation movement played its positive role at a certain stage and in recent years has no longer that significance and basis, and taking into account the patriotic positions of the Sergius Church, considers it expedient not to interfere the collapse of the Renovationist Church and the transfer of the Renovationist clergy and parishes to the Patriarchal Sergius Church". In this paragraph, I. Stalin wrote: "To Comrade Karpov. I agree with you."

The question arose before the Patriarchate about the procedure for receiving Renovationists. GG. Karpov in the mentioned note reported that Metropolitan Sergius, in a conversation with him, put forward the following conditions for accepting the Renovationists:

• a) married metropolitans and bishops, without being defrocked, removed from church activities, leaving them behind the staff;

• b) monastic (or widowed) metropolitans and bishops to be accepted into the patriarchal church, transferring metropolitans to archbishops or bishops, and bishops to priests, allowing their subsequent restoration to their former rank.

After the approval of I.V. Stalin of this memorandum GG. Karpov, a mass transition of the Renovationists to the Patriarchal Church began. On October 16, the Council sent out an information letter to the localities, which noted that “in cases where the Renovationist clergy voluntarily transfer from the Renovationist orientation to the Patriarchal Sergius Church, they should not be hindered. Also, one should not hinder the transition of groups of believers or parishes as a whole along the desire of believers from the Renovationist to the Sergius Church. The conditions for the reception of metropolitans, bishops and priests of the Renovationist orientation are established by Patriarch Sergius and his episcopate in place."

In historiography, the opinion has been established that the first of the Renovationist bishops in 1943 was Juvenaly (Mashkovsky). Such a conclusion was drawn from the resolution of Patriarch Sergius at the address of the Renovationist Archbishop Mikhail Postnikov of October 31, 1943. In it, the Patriarch wrote about his ordination: behind him the metropolitanate, and from then on he called himself simply a bishop. Let the example of Bishop Juvenaly be a subject of imitation for the petitioner."

However, the repentance of Juvenaly, who was Metropolitan of Odessa in the Renovationist schism, took place as early as 1935. He was accepted as a bishop of the old order in the rank of bishop, but he was given a penance, which he underwent in Vladimir. On March 6, 1936, he was appointed Bishop of Bryansk by Metropolitan Sergius, but did not enter the administration of the diocese, on April 24, 1936 he was arrested in Vladimir, and on September 21 he was sentenced to five years in a camp and died in custody.

On October 31, 1943, Patriarch Sergius wrote the aforementioned resolution at the address of Archbishop Mikhail Postnikov. From the latter's memorandum it followed that he did not repent of his stay with the Renovationists, and his departure from there was due to the fact that "many of them turned out to be faulty in behavior." The resolution of the Patriarch stated: “The main sin of renovationism is not that not all of its representatives turned out to be impeccable in life, but that renovationism, as a corporation or, in the language of the canons, as an unauthorized gathering, broke away from the Holy Church” and another altar set up" (St. App. right. 31). And not only erected an altar for themselves, but also fought in every possible way against St. Churches, trying to tear away the church sheep. This is a sin that, according to the teaching of the holy fathers, is not washed away even by martyr's blood.

At the session of October 20, 22, 26 and 28, 1943, the Synod considered appeals, in addition to Mikhail Postnikov, Yaroslavl Renovationist Metropolitan Kornily Popov and Tula Archbishop Pyotr Turbin, and decided that the Renovationist bishops ordained before the decision of Patriarch Tikhon of April 15, 1924 , are accepted in the current rank according to a simplified scheme, and those ordained after this date and unmarried must receive episcopal rank in the Russian Orthodox Church.

On November 5, 1943, Mikhail Postnikov, who was ordained on October 13, 1922 by the Renovationist bishops of the old order, was received in the rank of bishop. In his word of repentance, he fulfilled the requirements of Patriarch Sergius of October 31, 1943: he repented of evading schism, and did not claim to retain renovationist ranks and awards. Patriarch Sergius, placing an omophorion on him, recited a permissive prayer over him and placed on him a bishop's panagia.

In mid-October 1943, Alexander Vvedensky, the head of the Renovation Church, returned to Moscow and took over the management of the Moscow diocese, which consisted of 9 parishes. The authorities in every possible way prevented his return, since he raised the issue of transferring the Renovationist Church to the jurisdiction of the Council for Religious Affairs, which would actually legitimize its existence as an organization independent of the Russian Orthodox Church. But his request was denied without any explanation.

The return of Renovationist Metropolitan Alexander Vvedensky to Moscow in mid-October 1943 and the unwillingness of the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church to accept all Renovationist hierarchs in their existing rank slowed down the process of eliminating Renovationism. This topic was the subject of a conversation between Patriarch Sergius and Chairman of the Council for the Russian Orthodox Church G.G. Karpov, which took place on November 25, 1943. Karpov was interested in the possibility of accepting married bishops in their current rank. The patriarch explained that the monastic episcopate was established by the 6th Ecumenical Council (beginning of the 7th century), and since then the Russian Orthodox and other Orthodox churches have not accepted a married episcopate. Karpov expressed the opinion that it would be desirable, in the interests of accelerating the transition of the Renovationist clergy, not to impose strict requirements upon their admission, with which the Patriarch agreed, noting, however, that he would accept everyone without hindrance, but would not be able to get around the basic canonical requirements, such as: he cannot have a married episcopate and cannot have priests who are in a second marriage, especially since he wants and must reckon with the opinion of the believing masses.

For the Council and its chairman, the entry into the Russian Orthodox Church of the head of Renovationism, Alexander Vvedensky, was desirable. This would clearly indicate that we are not talking about the return of the "repentant" Renovationists, but about the merging of two churches into one. However, Vvedensky himself hoped to the last that the authorities would allow the existence of the renovationist church, at least in a minimal amount.

The question of Vvedensky was also asked to Patriarch Karpov at this meeting. Patriarch Sergius replied that there were no appeals from Vvedensky and he does not allow the possibility of such appeals. At the same time, the Patriarch pointed out that Alexander Vvedensky could not be received not only by a bishop, but also by a simple priest, since he was married three times, although he had no personal antipathy towards him.

The conditions for the reception of the Renovationists were once again discussed at the meeting of Patriarch Sergius with Karpov on December 7, 1943. At the meetings of December 8 and 9, 1943, the Holy Synod decided: “Renovationist bishops, presbyters and deacons, asking to be accepted into communion with the Holy Church , they repent before the confessor indicated by the church authorities, moreover, they renounce all communion with the Renovation movement, as proof of the sincerity of their conversion, renounce any awards received for service in the Renovation movement, and make an oath promise to remain faithful servants of the Holy Church until the end of their lives. before the confessor may, at the discretion of the church authorities, be replaced by public repentance in the temple, if the circumstances of the case require such a replacement", and further: "... the Patriarchal prohibition of April 2, 1924, weighing on all renovationists, may not serve as an obstacle to acceptance into the sacred the ranks of those renovationist protégés who are seen to be assisting and facilitating the reunification of others, moreover, they were appointed bishops who do not cause canonical doubts. However, only those who hasten to turn with repentance before Holy Pascha of the upcoming 1944 (April 3/16) can take advantage of such exceptional indulgence."

The Synod approved the rules for the reception of the Renovationist clergy at the regular session on December 10. This was the result of a compromise between Karpov, who sought the most painless procedure for admission to the Russian Orthodox Church for the Renovationists, and Patriarch Sergius, who sought to ensure that the reception of the Renovationists did not look like a simple association.

The Synod referred to the decree of Patriarch Tikhon of April 2 (15), 1924, in which the Patriarch forbade all Renovationist clergy from serving in the priesthood, as well as his decree of March 4 (17), 1924, in which he recognized only those Renovationist consecrations, "in which at least one bishop of the old, pre-renovation ordination participated."

On December 4, 1943, Kornily Popov, the Renovationist Metropolitan of Yaroslavl and Kostroma, was received into the Russian Orthodox Church as a bishop. His consecration as bishop of Rybinsk, vicar of the diocese of Yaroslavl, took place on July 5, 1915. In 1923, he declined into the Renovationist schism.

On December 9, 1943, at a meeting of the Synod, the petitions of the Renovationist bishops, Bishop of Tashkent Sergius Larin and Archbishop of Alma-Ata Anatoly Sinitsyn, were reviewed for their acceptance into the Russian Orthodox Church. The question of their reception was previously discussed by Patriarch Sergius with Karpov. The synod adopted a resolution on their reception by the laity: “In view of the fact that all the ordinations of Anatoly Sinitsyn were received by him from the renovationist bishops after the late Patriarch Tikhon imposed a ban on them, he can be accepted according to church rules only in the rank of a layman, which does not exclude the possibility of him receiving Orthodox ordination ".

Bishop Sergius Larin, who had only Renovationist consecrations, in 1936, being an archpriest, was convicted under Art. 118 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR for three years and served his sentence in the Kolyma camp. On November 10, 1941, he was consecrated bishop of Zvenigorodsky, vicar of the Moscow diocese, and ruled the Moscow diocese during the evacuation of A. Vvedensky. At the time of his Renovationist episcopal consecration, Larin had already been associated with cooperation with the state security agencies for several years, which instructed Vvedensky to raise him to the rank of bishop. In 1944, at the insistence of Karpov, Sergiy Larin was included in the list of clergy compiled by Metropolitan Nikolai (Yarushevich) who were nominated for the medal "For the Defense of Moscow".

The very next day after the meeting of the Synod, on December 10, 1943, Larin left Tashkent for Moscow, entrusting Archbishop Anatoly Sinitsyn with the temporary administration of the diocese. On December 27, 1943, Larin was received into the Russian Orthodox Church with the rank of monk and immediately ordained a hieromonk. He was planned to be sent to Stavropol. However, leaving far from Moscow, and even under the command of Archbishop Anthony (Romanovsky), who was strict towards the Renovationists, did not suit either Larin himself or the authorities. On January 11, 1944, during another conversation with Karpov, Patriarch Sergius asked what the future fate of Larin should be, to which the chairman of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church replied that he would not object to his elevation to the episcopal rank*. Prior to his consecration as a bishop on August 15, 1944, Larin served as a priest in Zagorsk.

On January 11, 1944, Archbishop Anatoly Sinitsyn, as administrator of the Central Asian diocese, adopted a decree "On the transfer of the diocese to the administration of Patriarch Sergius." He sent a telegram to Moscow, which said: “Expressing the unanimous desire of the entire diocese of church unity, supported by our authority, we ask Your Holiness to accept us as a diocese “status qvo”, canonical communion and administrative subordination, preserving our leadership of the diocese. The Diocese has been ordered to offer services in the name of Your Holiness. Lighten up the answer. The delay in the answer threatens the collapse of the church business. In response, the Patriarchate sent an extract from the decision of the Synod of December 9, 1943, stating that Bishop Anatoly Sinitsyn can only be accepted into canonical communion with the rank of a layman, which does not exclude the possibility of him receiving Orthodox ordination.

Archbishop Andrei Rastorguev, being married, was received in the rank that he had before the transition to the Renovationists - the priestly. Together with him, on December 21, 1943, the archpriest and deacon of the Church of the Resurrection of Christ in Sokolniki in Moscow, whose rector Rastorguev continued to remain until his death in 1970, repented. Rastorguev managed to achieve a position as a teacher of the Old Testament and the Jewish language at the Theological Institute. He was released from teaching the Hebrew language immediately after the end of the first quarter of 1944 "because of unpreparedness." In August 1945, for the same reason, he was released from his duties as a teacher of the Holy Scriptures of the Old Testament at the Theological Institute and Biblical history in pastoral courses.

On January 5, 1944, the former Renovationist Metropolitan Tikhon Popov was received into communion with the Russian Orthodox Church in the rank of archpriest. According to his investigation file, back in 1920 he became a secret informant for the Cheka. On August 28, 1944, he was approved as the rector of the Theological Institute that opened in Moscow, and in August 1946 he already headed the Moscow Theological Academy and Seminary. However, in October 1946, for health reasons, he was forced to leave the rectorship. His appointment was also connected with the Council's policy of strengthening the positions of the former renovationists, with the help of which the authorities could control the most important areas of church activity, primarily spiritual education and external church relations.

On December 20, 1943, a petition for acceptance into the Russian Orthodox Church was sent from Kostroma by a provincial bishop, Sergiy Ivantsov. He was a secret employee of the state security organs since 1924. Alexander Vvedensky offered him the place of Metropolitan Krutitsky, the manager of the affairs of the first hierarch. He was received into the Russian Orthodox Church only on September 25, 1945.

Renovationist Archbishop of Tula and Belevsky Pyotr Turbin was accepted into the priesthood.

In their autobiographies, the former Renovationists considered the time they were in schism to be the time of service to the Church. There are many examples of this kind. This contributed to the strengthening of the church underground, whose members urged believers not to go to churches, "where the former Renovationists just play the fool, who used to take pictures of girls and serve as accountants to Soviet power."

In the mid 1940s. a new religious subculture began to form - opposition to the official Church. This happened not least because of the state policy aimed at merging the Patriarchal Church and renovationism.

Bishops who tried to really eliminate renovationism were actively persecuted by the authorities. So, Archbishop Luka (Voyno-Yasenetsky), who headed the Tambov diocese in February 1944, was under constant pressure from the local commissioner, who, through the secretary of the diocese, Archpriest John Leoferov, became aware of all the words and actions of the bishop. Archbishop Luke was dissatisfied with the way the Patriarch received the former renovationists, and was going to send him his "reception order." The Tambov plenipotentiary sent several memorandums to the Council about Luke's "reactionary" views: "The staff is recruiting from reactionary-minded clergy. The first question is whether the renovationist or not, and the second ... was he under arrest. When he receives an answer that the clergyman is from the old church and was under arrest, then he willingly accepts a questionnaire from such people.

The question of the anti-renovation activities of Archbishop Luke was raised by Karpov on March 25, 1944, during a reception at the Council of Metropolitan Alexy, who wrote down the following about this conversation: "They talked about Archbishop Luke, who acts very tactlessly - preaching ... and other complete misunderstanding of the situation" *. Council Chairman Karpov also raised this issue at a meeting with Patriarch Sergius on May 5, 1944. He stated that Luka "made slanderous attacks against the Renovationist clergy"*. Patriarch Sergius was denied a request to transfer Archbishop Luke closer to Moscow - to the Tula see, where in the same year, at the insistence of Karpov, the former Renovationist Metropolitan Vitaly (Vvedensky) was appointed.

Archbishop Luka was very worried that in the Russian Orthodox Church there were many former renovationist bishops who were changing the face of the Orthodox Church. On November 21-23, 1944, a Council of Bishops was held in Moscow, which was supposed to prepare the upcoming Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church. According to the report of the Tambov Commissioner to Karpov, Archbishop Luka spoke about this in a conversation with the clergy of the diocese: “Forty-four bishops came to the pre-council meeting in Moscow, of which there were more than 50% of the Renovationists, and when I knew about this, I was indignant and determined in advance, that there will be no sense from this, it just happened, as, for example: the preparation for the election of the Patriarch is distorted, it has already been announced that one Patriarch will be elected, and not three candidates, from which one of the three should be chosen by lot, besides, voting will be openly and for Patriarch Alexy alone, this is the order that I alone opposed, and no one supported me in this, after in a conversation, individual bishops sympathized with me in this.

The situation seemed so serious to the authorities that they took extreme measures. As the Tambov researcher S.A. Chebotarev, on the day of his supposed departure for the Local Council, Archbishop Luke was poisoned and nearly died. On April 5, 1946, Patriarch Alexy signed a decree on the transfer of Archbishop Luka to Simferopol.

All Renovationist bishops who could be directly manipulated went over to the Russian Orthodox Church in December 1943 - January 1944. The Renovationist First Hierarch Alexander Vvedensky made desperate attempts to keep at least some of the bishops, and he partially succeeded in this temporarily. On February 29, 1944, on his own initiative, he visited Karpov. In an effort to prevent the final disintegration of the Renovationist organization, he asked that the title of Metropolitan of Krasnodar Archbishop Vladimir Ivanov be conferred. Karpov objected, saying that Ivanov remained in the occupied territory and could cooperate with the Germans. Vvedensky also said that he had received a telegram from Bishop Gabriel Olkhovik, who lived in Kyrgyzstan, who remained faithful to Renovationism and asked what measures to take against the transfer of parishes to the Russian Orthodox Church. Since 1934, this bishop has been out of state "due to obvious incapacity and illiteracy", being the rector of the temple. In the absence of other candidates, after the accession to the Russian Orthodox Church of Bishop Sergius (Larin) and the statement of Archbishop Anatoly (Sinitsyn) about submission to Patriarch Sergius, Vvedensky proposed to appoint Bishop Gabriel Olkhovik as Archbishop of Central Asia with a stay in Tashkent. Vvedensky tried to keep about 90 Central Asian parishes under his control, subordinating them to his bishop.

Convinced of Karpov's inflexibility, Vvedensky, who was not used to arguing with the authorities, asked to appoint Gavriil Olkhovik as a vicar to Metropolitan Filaret Yatsenko in Sverdlovsk. Thus, Vvedensky renounced his claims to the preservation of renovationism in Central Asia. Karpov also refused a request to send Filaret Yatsenko to Ukraine, stating that there were no Renovationist churches in Ukraine, although, according to the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, by October 1, 1944, there were 102 Renovationist churches, where 47 priests and 7 deacons served. and 23 psalmists.

Not without hidden irony, Karpov reported in his report on a conversation with Alexander Vvedensky about the latter's confidence in the loyalty of Metropolitan Vitaly Vvedensky, who, according to the head of renovationism, "would rather die than go over to the Patriarchal Church." At the time of the conversation, the Chairman of the Council already knew that Metropolitan Vitaly had agreed to join the Russian Orthodox Church. A day later, on March 2, 1944, the oldest Renovationist bishop by consecration, Vitaly Vvedensky, repented in Chisty Lane and was received in the rank of bishop with a brief resignation. In May of the same year, he received the rank of archbishop, and in July he was appointed to the Tula and Belev cathedras.

Bishops obedient to the authorities, such as Vitaly and other former renovationists, were an ideal option for local commissioners. With their help, the authorities sought to completely control church life, preventing the activities of illegal clergy. In March 1944, Renovationist Metropolitan Mikhail Orlov was received as archpriest. He took monastic vows with the name Jonah and was consecrated Bishop of Voronezh.

-) - Russian historian; father of writer Ivan Kataev, paternal uncle of mathematician A. N. Kolmogorov.

Biography

Son of a village priest. He graduated from the Vyatka Theological Seminary, then the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University ().

Then he worked in the Middle Volga (- gg.), Kuibyshev (- gg.) Pedagogical Institutes.

He headed the history department of the Magnitogorsk Pedagogical Institute (August - April), was the dean of the history department of the Moscow State Pedagogical University.

Scientific works of I. M. Kataev

Author of works on archeography, the history of Moscow, archival science, methods of teaching history.

Studies on the history of Moscow

• "Tushino" (M., 1913);
• "Fire of Moscow in 1812" (M., 1912);
• "Moscow in the 18th century" (M., 1915)

Essays on Russian history

• "Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich and his time";
• "Daniil Romanovich Galitsky";
• "Bohdan Khmelnytsky";
• "Emperor Alexander I" (1901-1914).

Other works of Kataev

• "Description of the acts of the meeting of Count A. S. Uvarov" (M., 1905),
• "Review of handwritten monuments on the history of Sloboda Ukraine, stored in the military-scientific archive of the General Staff in St. Petersburg" (Kharkov, 1902),
• "Description of documents of the Moscow archive of the Ministry of Justice" (M., 1905-1917, vols. XVI-XX),
• "Archives of the Kuibyshev Territory" (Kuibyshev, 193 6y.))

Bibliography

• Autobiography of Professor I. M. Kataev // Archival Department of the Administration of Magnitogorsk (AOAM), f. 132, op. 3.
• Vendrovskaya R. B. School reform in 1915-1916. and teaching history // Teaching history in school. - 1995. - No. 4. - S.22-26.
• Kataev I. M. The latest trends in teaching history in middle and senior classes of secondary school // Vopr. history teaching in middle and elementary schools. - M., 1917. - Sat.2.
• Kataev I. M. The latest trends in teaching history in middle and senior classes of secondary school // Teaching history at school. - 1996. - No. 8. - P.4-6.
• Kataev I. M. Textbook of Russian history for secondary school. - SL. - 132 e.; 4.2. - 262 e.; Ch. Z. - 262 p. - M.: Sytin Publishing House, 1917.
• Enlightenment in the Urals. - 1928. - No. 11. - P.14.
• Kataev I. M. Questions of teaching social science: Method. essays. - M., 1926.
• Kataev I.M. New Marxist methodology of history // Social science in labor school. - 1929. - No. 3-4.
• Semenov VV 25th anniversary of the Magnitogorsk Pedagogical Institute MGPI. - Magnitogorsk, 1957. - Issue 5. - p.7.
• Kataev I.M. Usolskaya estate on the eve of the peasant reform of 1861 // Uchenye zap. MGPI. - Magnitogorsk, 1949. - Issue 2. - P.5-59.

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An excerpt characterizing Kataev, Ivan Matveevich

- And it can not be otherwise? she asked. Prince Andrei did not answer, but his face expressed the impossibility of changing this decision.
- It's horrible! No, it's terrible, terrible! Natasha suddenly spoke up and sobbed again. “I’ll die waiting for a year: it’s impossible, it’s terrible. - She looked into the face of her fiancé and saw on him an expression of compassion and bewilderment.
“No, no, I’ll do everything,” she said, suddenly stopping her tears, “I’m so happy!” The father and mother entered the room and blessed the bride and groom.
From that day on, Prince Andrei began to go to the Rostovs as a groom.

There was no betrothal, and no one was announced about Bolkonsky's engagement to Natasha; Prince Andrew insisted on this. He said that since he was the cause of the delay, he must bear the full burden of it. He said that he had forever bound himself with his word, but that he did not want to bind Natasha and gave her complete freedom. If in six months she feels that she does not love him, she will be in her own right if she refuses him. It goes without saying that neither the parents nor Natasha wanted to hear about it; but Prince Andrei insisted on his own. Prince Andrei visited the Rostovs every day, but not like a groom treated Natasha: he told her you and only kissed her hand. Between Prince Andrei and Natasha, after the day of the proposal, completely different than before, close, simple relations were established. They didn't seem to know each other until now. Both he and she loved to remember how they looked at each other when they were still nothing, now they both felt like completely different beings: then pretended, now simple and sincere. At first, the family felt awkward in dealing with Prince Andrei; he seemed like a man from an alien world, and Natasha for a long time accustomed her family to Prince Andrei and proudly assured everyone that he only seemed so special, and that he was the same as everyone else, and that she was not afraid of him and that no one should be afraid his. After a few days, the family got used to him and did not hesitate to lead the old way of life with him, in which he took part. He knew how to talk about housekeeping with the count, and about outfits with the countess and Natasha, and about albums and canvases with Sonya. Sometimes the family Rostovs among themselves and under Prince Andrei were surprised at how all this happened and how obvious the omens of this were: both the arrival of Prince Andrei in Otradnoye, and their arrival in Petersburg, and the similarity between Natasha and Prince Andrei, which the nanny noticed on the first visit Prince Andrei, and the clash in 1805 between Andrei and Nikolai, and many other omens of what happened, were noticed at home.
The house was dominated by that poetic boredom and silence that always accompanies the presence of the bride and groom. Often sitting together, everyone was silent. Sometimes they got up and left, and the bride and groom, remaining alone, were also silent. Rarely did they talk about their future lives. Prince Andrei was scared and ashamed to talk about it. Natasha shared this feeling, like all his feelings, which she constantly guessed. Once Natasha began to ask about his son. Prince Andrei blushed, which often happened to him now and that Natasha especially loved, and said that his son would not live with them.
- From what? Natasha said scared.
“I can’t take him away from my grandfather and then…”
How I would love him! - said Natasha, immediately guessing his thought; but I know you want no pretexts to accuse you and me.
The old count sometimes approached Prince Andrei, kissed him, asked him for advice on the upbringing of Petya or the service of Nikolai. The old countess sighed as she looked at them. Sonya was afraid at any moment to be superfluous and tried to find excuses to leave them alone when they did not need it. When Prince Andrei spoke (he spoke very well), Natasha listened to him with pride; when she spoke, she noticed with fear and joy that he was looking at her attentively and searchingly. She asked herself in bewilderment: “What is he looking for in me? What is he trying to achieve with his eyes? What, if not in me what he is looking for with this look? Sometimes she entered into her insanely cheerful mood, and then she especially liked to listen and watch how Prince Andrei laughed. He rarely laughed, but when he did, he gave himself over to his laughter, and every time after that laughter she felt closer to him. Natasha would have been perfectly happy if the thought of the forthcoming and approaching parting had not frightened her, since he, too, turned pale and cold at the mere thought of it.
On the eve of his departure from Petersburg, Prince Andrei brought with him Pierre, who had never been to the Rostovs since the ball. Pierre seemed confused and embarrassed. He was talking to his mother. Natasha sat down with Sonya at the chess table, thus inviting Prince Andrei to her. He approached them.
"You've known the Earless for a long time, haven't you?" - he asked. - Do you love him?
- Yes, he is nice, but very funny.
And she, as always talking about Pierre, began to tell jokes about his absent-mindedness, jokes that they even made up about him.
“You know, I confided our secret to him,” said Prince Andrei. “I have known him since childhood. This is a heart of gold. I beg you, Natalie,” he said suddenly seriously; I'm leaving, God knows what might happen. You can spill... Well, I know I shouldn't talk about it. One thing - whatever happens to you when I'm gone...
– What will happen?…
“Whatever the grief,” continued Prince Andrei, “I ask you, m lle Sophie, no matter what happens, turn to him alone for advice and help. This is the most absent-minded and funny person, but the most golden heart.

Files at Wikimedia Commons Quotations on Wikiquote

Valentin Petrovich Kataev(January 16, Odessa, Russian Empire - April 12, Moscow, USSR) - Russian Soviet writer, poet and playwright, screenwriter, journalist, war correspondent. Hero of Socialist Labor (1974).

Family

Valentin Kataev's paternal grandfather - Vasily Alekseevich Kataev (born 1819) - the son of a priest. He studied at the Vyatka Theological Seminary, then graduated from the Moscow Theological Academy. Since 1846 he worked as an inspector at the Glazov Theological School, was an archpriest of the Izhevsk arms factory. In June 1861 he was transferred to the Vyatka Cathedral.

Father Pyotr Vasilyevich Kataev (d. 1921) - teacher at the diocesan school in Odessa. Mother Evgenia Ivanovna Bachey is the daughter of General Ivan Eliseevich Bachey, from a Poltava small-scale noble family. Subsequently, Kataev gave the name of his father and the surname of his mother to the main, largely autobiographical hero of the story “The lonely sail turns white” Petya Bachey.

Mother, father, grandmother and uncle Valentina Kataeva are buried at the 2nd Christian cemetery in Odessa.

The younger brother of Valentin Kataev is the writer Yevgeny Petrov (1903-1942), named after his mother; He took his pseudonym from his father's name.

By the second marriage, Kataev was married to Esther Davydovna Kataeva (nee Brenner, 1913-2009). “It was an amazing marriage,” said a close friend of the Kataev family Daria Dontsova about him. This marriage had two children - Evgenia Valentinovna Kataeva (named after her grandmother, mother Valentin Kataev, born 1936) and children's writer and memoirist Pavel Valentinovich Kataev (born 1938).

The son-in-law of Kataev (the second husband of Evgenia Kataeva) is the Jewish Soviet poet, editor and public figure A. A. Vergelis (1918-1999).

Kataev's nephews (sons of E. P. Petrov) are cameraman P. E. Kataev (1930-1986) and composer I. E. Kataev (1939-2009).

Granddaughter of Kataev (daughter of Evgenia Kataeva from her first marriage) - Valentina Eduardovna Roy, journalist.

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Biography

Odessa

Odessa. Hotel "Londonskaya", where Valentin Kataev liked to stay

The language of Odessa has largely become the literary language of Kataev, and Odessa itself has become not just a backdrop for many of the works of Valentin Kataev, but their full-fledged hero.

Kataev's father was a very educated person. He received his primary education at the Theological Seminary, then graduated with a silver medal from the Faculty of History and Philology of the Novorossiysk University and for many years taught at the cadet and diocesan schools in Odessa. The Kataevs lived happily, six years after the birth of Valentine, they had another son, Evgeny, who later became (under the pseudonym "Petrov") one of the co-authors of the famous novels "The Twelve Chairs" and "The Golden Calf". Shortly after the birth of her youngest son, Evgenia Ivanovna Kataeva died of pneumonia, and her sister helped raise the children, replacing the mother of the orphaned children. The widowed 47-year-old father of Valentin and Evgeny never remarried.

The Kataev brothers grew up surrounded by books. The family had an unusually extensive library - complete collections of works by Pushkin, Lermontov, Gogol, Chekhov, Turgenev, Nekrasov, Leskov, Goncharov, a lot of historical and reference literature - "The History of the Russian State", the Brockhaus and Efron encyclopedia, Petri's atlas. Love for Russian classical literature from childhood was instilled in them by their parents, who loved reading aloud.

As Kataev himself later recalled, he began writing at the age of nine and from childhood he was sure that he was born a writer. Having drawn a school notebook into two columns, like a one-volume collected works of Pushkin, he began to write a complete collection of his works right off the bat, inventing them right there all in a row: elegies, stanzas, epigrams, stories, short stories and novels. Unfortunately, samples of this very early stage of Kataev's work have not been preserved.

And from early childhood, in the character of Kataev, one can discern an adventurous vein, combined with organizational skills:

When you remember now that frivolity, that suddenness, surprise for yourself, with which the most amazing ideas were suddenly born in my head, for no reason at all, requiring immediate implementation, you can’t help but smile, and partly even regret it, that you no longer have that diabolical energy, that former need for immediate action, even if sometimes very stupid, but still action!

The first publication of Kataev was the poem "Autumn", published in 1910 in the newspaper "Odessa Vestnik" - the official organ of the Odessa branch of the Union of the Russian People. Over the next two years, more than 25 poems by Kataev were published in the Odessa Herald. It is of interest that twice: in February 1912 and January 1913, Kataev published in the Odessa Bulletin the same poem dedicated to the anniversary of the Union of the Russian People, but in the first case, six years old, and in the second case, seven years.

In 1912, Kataev's first small humorous stories were published in the Odessa Herald. In the same year, two more voluminous stories by Kataev "Awakening" and "Dark Personality" were published in separate editions in Odessa. The first of them described the departure of a young man from the revolutionary movement under the influence of his love for a girl that had flared up in him, and the second satirically portrayed Alexander Kuprin, Arkady Averchenko and Mikhail Kornfeld.

Shortly before the start of the First World War, Kataev met A. M. Fedorov and I. A. Bunin, who became the first literary teachers of the novice writer. In the same years, Kataev's friendship with Yuri Olesha and Eduard Bagritsky begins, which laid the foundation for the famous circle of young Odessa writers.

Due to participation in the First World War, the Civil War, the need to hide his participation in the White movement and the need for physical survival, Kataev’s education was limited to an unfinished gymnasium (5th Odessa gymnasium, 1905-1914).

World War I

Without graduating from the gymnasium, in 1915 Kataev joined the army as a volunteer. He began serving near Smorgon as a private on an artillery battery, then promoted to warrant officer. Twice he was wounded and gassed. In December 1916 he was admitted to the Odessa Military School, moving from artillery to infantry. In the summer of 1917, after being wounded in the thigh in the "Keren" offensive on the Romanian front, he was placed in a hospital in Odessa.

In emigration, Bunin did not publicly confirm his teaching in relation to the Soviet writer, but in the 2000s, Kataev's widow Esther spoke about her meeting with her husband in the late 1950s with Bunin's widow:

... Bunin, he called his teacher with every right - Simonov brought from him in the forty-sixth year "Lika" with an inscription confirming that he followed Kataev most carefully. And in the late fifties, we visited Vera Nikolaevna, Bunin's widow, - we were visiting her in Paris, and I saw how she hugged Valya ... She was all crying. I bought meringues, which he adored - I even remembered that! And she met him so affectionately ... And she even knew that I was Esta, she immediately called me by name! She said: Bunin read "Sail" aloud, exclaiming - well, who else can do that ?! But he could never believe one thing: that Vali Kataev had children. How is Vali, young Vali, maybe two adult children? The husband asked to show Bunin's favorite ashtray in the form of a cup - she brought it and wanted to give it to Valya, but he said that he did not dare to take it. “Okay,” said Vera Nikolaevna, “then they will put her in a coffin with me.”

Poem Val. Kataev. Magazine "Yablochko", Odessa, April 1918

With regard to Kataev, Bunin spoke out more than unambiguously. From the diaries of Ivan Bunin for 1919:

There was V. Kataev (young writer). The cynicism of today's young people is downright incredible. He said: “For a hundred thousand I will kill anyone. I want to eat well, I want to have a good hat, great shoes…”

white movement

Little is known exactly about the participation of Valentin Kataev in the Civil War. According to the official Soviet version and his own recollections (“Almost a Diary”), Kataev fought in the Red Army from the spring of 1919. However, there is another view of this period of the writer's life, which is that he served on a voluntary basis in the White Army of General A. I. Denikin. This is evidenced by some hints in the works of the author himself, which seem to many researchers to be autobiographical, as well as the surviving memories of the Bunin family, who actively communicated with Kataev during the Odessa period of his life.

According to an alternative version, in 1918, after being treated in a hospital in Odessa, Kataev joined the armed forces of Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky. After the fall of the hetman in December 1918, when the Bolsheviks appeared north of Odessa, in March 1919 Kataev volunteered for the Volunteer Army with the rank of second lieutenant. He served as an artilleryman on the Novorossiya light armored train of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia (VSYUR), commander of the first tower (the most dangerous place on an armored train). The armored train was attached to a detachment of volunteers by A.N. Rosenshild von Paulin and opposed the Petliurists, who declared war on the All-Union Socialist Republic on September 24, 1919. The fighting lasted throughout October and ended with the occupation of Vapnyarka by the Whites. The detachment advanced in the Kiev direction as part of the troops of the Novorossiysk region of the All-Union Socialist Republic of General N. N. Schilling (the actions of the troops of the Novorossiysk region of the All-Union Socialist Republic were part of Denikin's campaign against Moscow).

Before the start of the retreat of the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union in January 1920, the Novorossiya armored train, as part of the Rosenshield von Paulin detachment, fought on two fronts - against the Petliurists, who were entrenched in Vinnitsa, and against the Reds, who were stationed in Berdichev.

Due to the rapid growth in ranks in the All-Union Socialist Revolutionary Federation (orders for the fratricidal war were not given to Denikins in principle), Kataev graduated from this campaign, most likely with the rank of lieutenant or staff captain. But at the very beginning of 1920, even before the start of the retreat, Kataev fell ill with typhus in Zhmerinka and was evacuated to the Odessa hospital. Later, his relatives took him, still sick with typhus, home.

"Wrangel conspiracy at the lighthouse" and prison

By mid-February 1920, Kataev was cured of typhus. By that time, the Reds had occupied Odessa, and the recovered Kataev joined an underground officer conspiracy, the purpose of which was to prepare for a meeting of a probable landing from the Crimea of ​​the Russian army of Wrangel. This seemed all the more likely, since in August 1919 Odessa had already been liberated from the Reds once by a simultaneous strike by an airborne detachment and an uprising of underground officer organizations. The capture of the lighthouse to support the landing was the main task of the underground group, therefore, in the Odessa Cheka, the conspiracy was called the "Wrangel conspiracy at the lighthouse." The very idea of ​​a conspiracy could have been planted on the conspirators by a Cheka agent, since the Cheka knew about the conspiracy from the very beginning.

One of the conspirators, Viktor Fedorov, was connected with the lighthouse - a former officer of the VSYUR, who escaped persecution by the Reds and got a job as a junior officer in the searchlight team at the lighthouse. He was the son of the writer A. M. Fedorov from a family friendly to Kataev and Bunin. The agent of the Cheka offered Fedorov a large sum of money for disabling the searchlight during the landing. Fedorov agreed to do it for free. The Cheka led the group for several weeks and then arrested its members: Fedorov, his wife, projectors, Valentin Kataev and others. At the same time, his younger brother Eugene was arrested, most likely, who had nothing to do with the conspiracy.

Grigory Kotovsky interceded for Viktor Fedorov before the chairman of the Odessa Cheka, Max Deutsch. Victor's father A. M. Fedorov in 1916 influenced the abolition of the death penalty by hanging against Kotovsky. It was Kotovsky who took Odessa in February 1920 and, thanks to this, had a great influence on what was happening at that time in the city. Fedorov and his wife Nadezhda, at the insistence of Kotovsky, were released by Deutsch.

Valentin Kataev was saved by an even more fantastic accident. From a higher Cheka (from Kharkov or Moscow) Chekist Yakov Belsky came to the Odessa Cheka with an inspection. Belsky well remembered Kataev in the past, in 1919, at the Bolshevik demonstrations in Odessa - those for which Bunin blamed Kataev, not knowing that even at that time Kataev was in the White Guard underground:

After all, if I'm talking to you after all that you've done, it means that I'm overpowering you feeling good, because with Carmen now I do not bow and will not bow.

For Belsky, as well as for the Odessa Chekists, who did not know about Kataev's voluntary service in the All-Union Socialist Republic, this was a sufficient reason to let Kataev go. In September 1920, after six months in prison, Valentin Kataev and his brother left it. The rest of the conspirators were shot in the autumn of 1920.

Kharkiv

In 1921 he worked in the Kharkov press together with Yuri Olesha. I rented an apartment with him at number 16 at the intersection of Devichya Street (later renamed Demchenko Street, but in 2016 the historical name was returned to the street) and Chernoglazovskaya (Marshal Bazhanov Street) (“I live in Kharkov at the corner of Devichya and Chernoglazovskaya - this is impossible in no other city in the world" - "My Diamond Crown").

Moscow

In 1922 he moved to Moscow, where from 1923 he began working in the newspaper Gudok, and as a "topical" humorist he collaborated with many publications. He signed his newspaper and magazine humoresques with the pseudonyms “Old Man Sabbakin”, “Ol. Twist", "Mitrofan Mustard".

In a statement by the Secretary of the Union of Writers of the USSR V. Stavsky in 1938 addressed to the People's Commissar of the NKVD N. I. Yezhov, it was proposed to “solve the issue of O. E. Mandelstam”, his poems were called “obscene and slanderous”, the poet was soon arrested. I. L. Prut and Valentin Kataev are named in the letter as "speaking sharply and openly" in defense of Osip Mandelstam. Nadezhda Mandelstam, in her memoirs, says that in the summer of 1937 Kataev helped the Mandelstams with money, and in the autumn of that year he organized a meeting between Mandelstam, who illegally arrived in Moscow, and Fadeev at his apartment.

Peredelkino

The Great Patriotic War

During the Great Patriotic War, Kataev was a war correspondent, wrote a large number of essays, stories, journalistic articles, and poetic captions for posters. One of Kataev's stories of those years - "Our Father" - should rightfully be attributed to Russian literary classics.
At the very end of the war, on the eve of the Victory, he wrote one of his most "sunny" stories - "The Son of the Regiment". Her hero - the boy Vanya Solntsev - with a non-childish fate, but at the same time with purity and poetry of perception of the world.

post-war period

After the war, Kataev was prone to days of heavy drinking. In 1946, Valentina Serova told Bunin that Kataev “Sometimes he drinks for 3 days. He doesn’t drink, doesn’t drink, and then, after finishing a story, an article, sometimes a chapter, he goes on a spree.. In 1948, this almost led Kataev to divorce his wife. The writer's son, P. V. Kataev, describes this situation as follows:

Then my mother told me how she firmly and calmly informed my father that she was taking the children and leaving because she was tired and did not want to endure days of spree, incomprehensible guests, drunken scandals.<…>

And you don't have to go anywhere, - said dad. - I don't drink anymore.

Magazine "Youth"

Kataev became the founder and first editor-in-chief (1955-1961) of the new magazine Yunost. The journal published many works that differed in style and content from the prevailing literary stereotypes of "socialist realism", and were often criticized by conservative bodies.

Kataev relied on young and unknown prose writers and poets. The stories of Anatoly Gladilin, Vasily Aksyonov and others published on the pages of Yunost described the young generation's search for their own path at the "construction sites of the century" and in their personal lives. Heroes attracted sincerity and rejection of falsehood.

After editing at Yunost, Mikhail Suslov, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, considered Kataev for the position of editor-in-chief of Literaturnaya Gazeta, but he failed to get the appointment.

Participation in collective letters

Illness and death

The grave of Valentin Petrovich Kataev at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

At the end of his life, Valentin Petrovich underwent an operation to remove a cancerous tumor:

... Calmly for his life, although with undisguised admiration for the work of a surgeon, he talked about a difficult operation that he experienced on the verge of old age. The cancerous tumor was excised, but a problem arose - would the remaining healthy tissue be enough to prevent the suture from coming apart. There was enough fabric. The father in the faces conveyed the conversation of two surgeons arguing about him: the seam will spread or not. And he admired the filigree work of the operating surgeon, a determined and skillful woman, a participant in the war, who remained his good friend until the end of his life.

Valentin Petrovich Kataev died on April 12, 1986, at the age of 90. He was buried in Moscow at the Novodevichy Cemetery (site No. 10).

Creation

He made his debut in print in 1910. In the 1920s he wrote stories about the civil war and satirical stories. Since 1923, he contributed to the Gudok newspaper, the Krokodil magazine, and other periodicals.

The fight against philistinism is devoted to his story "Squanderers" (1926; the play of the same name, 1928), the comedy "Squaring the circle" (1928). Author of the novel "Time, Forward!" (1932; film adaptation, 1965). The story “The lonely sail turns white” (1936; film adaptation, 1937) brought wide popularity.

The short story "I, the son of the working people ..." (1937) told about a tragic story that happened in one of the Ukrainian villages during the civil war. The story was published, filmed, on its basis the play “A soldier was walking from the front” was written, which was staged at the E. B. Vakhtangov Theater and on other stages of the country.

After the war, he continued “The Lone Sail Turns White” with the stories “For the Power of the Soviets” (1948; another name is “Catacombs”, 1951; film of the same name - 1956), “A Farm in the Steppe” (1956; film adaptation, 1970), “Winter Wind” (1960 -1961), forming a tetralogy with the idea of ​​the continuity of revolutionary traditions. Later, all four works (“The lonely sail turns white”, “Khutorok in the steppe”, “Winter wind” and “For the power of the Soviets” (“Catacombs”) came out as a single epic “Waves of the Black Sea”.

In 1964, he took part in writing the collective detective novel “The one who laughs laughs”, published in the newspaper “Nedelya”.

Author of the publicistic story "The Little Iron Door in the Wall" (1964). Starting from this work, he changed his writing style and subject matter. He called his new style “movism” (from French mauvais “bad, bad”), implicitly contrasting it with the smooth writing of official Soviet literature.

The lyric-philosophical memoirs The Holy Well (1966), The Grass of Oblivion (1967), The Cube (1969), Broken Life, or the Magic Horn of Oberon (1972), Cemetery in Skulyany were written in this manner. "(1974), the story "Werther has already been written" (1979), "The youthful novel of my old friend Sasha Pcholkin, told by himself" (1982), "Dry Estuary" (1984), "Sleeping" (1985).

The novel My Diamond Crown (1978) caused a wide resonance and abundant comments. In the novel, Kataev recalls the literary life of the country in the 1920s, without naming almost any real names (the characters are covered with transparent "pseudonyms").

In 1980, in the June issue of Novy Mir, his “anti-Soviet” story was published with the sanction of M. A. Suslov, secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, who patronized Kataev. "Werther has already been written" which caused a big scandal. In it (when the writer was already 83 years old), he revealed the secret of his participation in the white movement and his arrest. On September 2, 1980, KGB chairman Yuri Andropov sent a note to the Central Committee of the CPSU, assessing the story as a politically harmful work, which "misrepresents the role of the Cheka as an instrument of the party in the fight against counter-revolution." The result was a ban on mentioning the story in print.

Kataev's works have been repeatedly translated into foreign languages.

Poetry

Starting as a poet, Kataev remained a fine connoisseur of poetry all his life. Some of his prosaic works are called lines from poems by Russian poets: “ A lonely sail turns white" (M. Yu. Lermontov), ​​"Time, forward!" (V. V. Mayakovsky), “Werther has already been written” (B. L. Pasternak). His widow E. D. Kataeva recalled:

In any case, once he spoke in the sense that, surrounded by a galaxy of strong poets born in the twentieth century in Russia, one can not engage in poetry.

My father did not publish poetry collections, he did not print poems, but he remained a poet.

Recently, the significance of Kataev the poet has been revised. So, the poet and researcher of the life and work of Kataev, Alexander Nemirovsky, includes Valentin Kataev in the second ten of the most important Russian poets of the 20th century for himself.

Dramaturgy

Here is what Kataev's son says about his father's plays:

My father did not consider himself a playwright, although the number of plays written by him and staged in the theaters of the country and the world would be enough for the fate of a successful dramatic writer, who, in addition to creating plays. wouldn't do anything else.

The fate of some of my father's plays is not of particular interest. That is, he composed a play, offered it to the theater, it was staged there, it withstood a certain number of performances, say, one hundred or two hundred, after which it died safely, leaving no noticeable trace behind.

Screen versions of works

... When it came to the film adaptation of his works, Kataev said that he liked the first film adaptation of "The Lonely Sail Turns White" (then there were "Waves of the Black Sea", based on all four of his novels).<…>He said that it was possible to film the story "The Cube", but for this we need Federico Fellini.

Kataev's works in theater, film and television

Drama Theater

• 1927 - "Squanderers" - Moscow Art Theater, staged by K. S. Stanislavsky
• 1928 - "Quadrature of the Circle" - Moscow Art Theatre, staged by N. M. Gorchakov under the direction of V. I. Nemirovich-Danchenko. Academic Russian Drama Theater of Uzbekistan, production by T. M. Sharafutdinov (2014). The play is staged to this day in theaters in Russia, Europe and America.
• 1934 - "Road of Flowers" - Moscow Modern Theater
• 1940 - "House" - Comedy Theater, staged by N. P. Akimov. The play was banned; in 1972 (?) restored by director A. A. Belinsky
• 1940 - “A soldier was walking from the front” - Vakhtangov Theater
• 1942 - "Blue handkerchief" - theater (?)
• 1948 - "Day of rest" ("Where are you, Monsieur Miussov?") - Moscow Academic Theater of Satire
• 1954 (?) - “It was in Konsk” (“House”) - Moscow Academic Theater of Satire
• 1958 (?) - "It's time for love" - ​​Moscow City Council Theater, Tashkent Russian Youth Theater (1968)

Opera theatre

Filmography

Year		Name	Role
	f	Der brave Sunder	literary basis (story "Squanderers")
	f	Circus	written by together with Ilya Ilf and Evgeny Petrov; all three had their last names removed from the credits of the film due to changes made to the script by the director
	f	Motherland is calling	written by together with A. V. Macheret
	f	A lonely sail turns white	written by
	f	A soldier walked from the front	written by
	f	Pages of life	written by together with A. V. Macheret
	f	son of the regiment	written by
	mf	Semi-flower	written by
	f	Crazy day	written by
	f	For the power of the Soviets	written by
	f	Poet	written by
	f	Time forward!	written by together with M. A. Schweitzer
	f	Semi-flower short	written by
	tf	Humoresque Valentina Kataeva concert film	literary basis (the story "The Diary of a Bitter Drunkard", the play "Road of Flowers", the fairy tale "Pearl")
	f	Happy Kukushkin short	literary basis (story "Knives")
	f	Farm in the steppe	written by
	tf	Waves of the Black Sea	literary basis
	tf	Violet film performance	literary basis
	mf	last petal	literary basis (fairy tale "Flower-semitsvetik")
	tf	Je veux voir Mioussov	literary basis (play "Day of rest")
	f	son of the regiment	literary basis
	tf	Monday is a hard day film performance	literary basis (the play "The Case of a Genius")
	f

Maria Tereneva-Kataeva

"How It Was" - autobiographical memoir

Original here: http://www.geocities.com/SoHo/Hall/7820/teren/ The river of time rushes either in sun glare or in hopeless stormy blackness, and carries away our joys, light as air streams - and stone-heavy grief. A wave of world war and revolution picked me up from the backwoods of the county and dragged me in carts and carts along the roads of the country to its very heart - Moscow. Komsomol years of lofty ideals and self-sacrificing dreams... In my seventeenth year of life, with a swift gait, I entered the beautiful building of the Literary Institute on Povarskaya. I read at the first interview my favorite poets - Blok, Mayakovsky, Verharn - and my own poems, was accepted without certificates and certificates, which I did not have. The history of world literature, linguistics and other important sciences were studied at the institute, but most of all they lived and raved about poetry. All together prepared for tests, appeared in print with the first stories for poetry; an avalanche broke into the Polytechnic for literary evenings; hand in hand, they walked in a line through the streets, chanting "Left March" by Mayakovsky or "Twelve" by Blok. The atmosphere of passion for poetry and hidden love for each other reigned among us. A student of the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University, a young journalist who wrote stories and essays, Ivan Kataev, also came. I often saw his still youthful face and restrained kind smile. Once we were walking down the street together, evening Moscow was dousing with coolness and peace. Cab drivers drove by, hooves rhythmically tapped. Kataev spoke about the classics - about Dostoevsky, Tolstoy: "It's not easy to write as you feel, as your conscience dictates. But we in the Pass are striving for this ..." I knew about the Pass. Recently, in the premises of the Krug publishing house, she read her poems to the Perevals. Someone scolded me for an inaccurate rhyme, and the head of the "Pass" group, Alexander Voronsky, praised me. Some of these poems were published in the magazines "New World", "Krasnaya Niva" ... It turned out that my meetings with Ivan were not limited to the institute. In the green wooden house in Vsekhsvyatsky (now the Sokol metro station), where my parents lived, Yefim Vikhrev, a homeless comrade of his brother in the army, settled in a free room at that time. I lived in a hostel, but I often visited my parents and met Ivan at Yefim's. Both of them now worked in the cooperative magazine City and Village. Almost immediately behind the house, a field began, sparkling with the purest snow. Ivan taught me to ski, and I often floundered in the snow like a roly-poly. -Komsomol element, when will you join the party? Ivan suddenly asked. Why should I lose my freedom? I answered casually. - Wow, this is an obvious petty-bourgeois individual dualism, - Ivan said laughing. Sometimes I went to Ivan's small room in Kuntsevo, where the owner's old wrought-iron couch and unpainted table stood. On it are several books and a large clay dog. “The only grace of my lonely life,” Ivan joked. Here in the evenings we read aloud many chapters from Hamsun's Pan. The rumble of a bus on the highway suddenly crashed into the open windows, and then the silence seemed even deeper. And even then I understood that in Ivan, in this restrained person, spiritual purity, an extremely careful attitude towards all people, are unchanged. He has a big purpose in life. It was different from the noisy, disorderly circle of young people that I was used to at the institute. In the autumn of 1926, together with the Institute, which was disbanded and partly merged into the Leningrad University, I left for Leningrad. I fell in love with this city with its traditions, with the poetry of its majestic buildings and cathedrals. Several students and I lived in a small commune, rented rooms in an old apartment on Vasilyevsky Island. I studied at the university and worked in the youth newspaper "Change". When everyone left for the holidays, I especially felt loneliness. And, of course, I was delighted when Ivan and Yefim entered the room, a little embarrassed. We talked a little, and I wanted to show them Leningrad. I was proud of the city as my discovery. We walked along the embankment, admiring the sphinxes over the Neva, the strict lines of the Lieutenant Schmidt Bridge, visited the deserted Summer Garden. It was foggy, at times an imperceptible rain was sown, the white statues among the trees seemed alive. We were seized with a sense of the beauty and significance of this city, the significance of human life. Ivan and I came here and later, when Yefim had already left, met the onset of white nights, breathed coolness from the Neva. Ivan was serious, unusual, and said solemnly: "Into your hands I betray my spirit ..." We decided to spend a vacation together. At the beginning of July 1927 arrived in Vladikavkaz. A year later, Ivan and I moved to an old house on the Leningradskoye Shosse to my parents, the three of us, with their little son Yura. Ivan began to work as an executive secretary in the new Literaturnaya Gazeta, signed contracts for the publication of his first novels and short stories. I rarely left All Saints. Then it was a remote suburb. Traveled with a baby. Ivan asked me to keep a diary of the behavior and development of the child - Ivan kept his mother's diary as a shrine. But it was boring for me to keep such a diary. I was looking forward to the evening when Ivan would return with the usual and interesting stories about literary life. Young writers and critics, friends and acquaintances of Ivan, Nikolai Zarudin, Boris Guber, Eduard Bagritsky, Alexander Mylyshkin, Nikolai Dementiev, Abram Lezhnev and others sometimes came to us in Vsekhsvyatskoye. All of them belonged to the mentioned literary group "Pass". These meetings continued later, when in the early 30s we moved to a new apartment on Kropotkina Street, spacious, but cold - with stove heating. In January 1930, Kataev with the Pravda brigade went to the areas of collectivization in the Kuban. Rumors about the progress of collectivization were disturbing. More and more often people with exhausted, humiliated faces knocked on our door and asked for bread. It was said that early in the morning the corpses of people who had died of starvation, who had come from afar, were removed from the streets. Ivan returned gloomy, answered questions sparingly, reluctantly, set to work on the book "Movement" - about the Kuban. I was looking for comprehension of everything I saw, I was looking with anxiety, hiding pain and bewilderment. There were also changes in literary life. Former disagreements have turned into fierce fights, theoretical disputes into merciless battles. Ivan had published several books by this time. They were well received by critics and readers. But now the situation has changed. After all, Ivan was one of the leading writers of The Pass, whose main slogans were sincerity, a true reflection of life, and deep humanity. In the cruel, heated atmosphere of those years, these slogans met with resistance from the leadership of the Rappovites (Russian Association of Proletarian Writers). Criticism was dominated by "Rapp's club". Disputes, verbal battles also took place in our apartment between the perevaltsy and the Rappovites. By the way, A. Fadeev, a member of Rappov at that time, was softer and more benevolent than many others. Attacks on Ivan Kataev especially intensified after the publication of the story "Milk". Criticism accused him of "Christian liberalism", of complicity with the kulaks. During these years, Ivan traveled a lot on assignments from newspapers and the Our Achievements magazine - to the Khibiny, to Armenia ... Sometimes it seemed to me that a stream of human destinies was rushing through life. After each trip, new essays or stories arose. The first congress of Soviet writers was held. Gorky and Bukharin spoke. Ivan was elected a member of the Board of the Writers' Union. Life has changed more and more. The political trials of Bukharin, Radek and others have passed. In August 1936, Ivan was expelled from the party. Arrests, general fear, alienation have become more frequent ... And Ivan wrote his last story "Under Clear Stars", about a trip to Altai this year, already knowing for sure what lies ahead, but remaining himself, former, honest and open. In February 1937, the second son was born, whom Ivan was very happy about. And in March 1937, the late bell rang. Five come in, produce a search and arrest warrant. The drawers of tables and cupboards rattled. Books, our drafts, letters flew to the floor. Before dawn, after filling the back of the truck with sacks of manuscripts and books, they took Ivan to the car. I rushed to him, pushing the shooter away. Ivan said quietly: "Clean up and live quietly, and they will deal with me." Then day after day we give endless queues at the reception, applications and letters "upstairs".
I started working at school, I liked being with children. They were far from general despair and hopelessness. Prisoners were allowed to transfer fifty rubles a month. I split this money into pieces to know if Ivan was still here. And when the money was not accepted, I realized that he was no longer in Moscow. I learned the sentence: "Ten years without the right to correspond." What lay behind this Jesuit phrase was understood much later. Very soon, I, with a child in my arms, was taken to the "mother's cell" of the Butyrka prison. In this semi-dark room with a high wooden shield on the window, I became the thirteenth. The criminals brought semolina in a bucket... The next morning I was called into the corridor and offered to sign a paper with a resolution of the Special Council that I was sentenced to eight years as a "member of the family of a traitor to the motherland" - ChSKR. Prisoners were usually given a quarter of an hour to go for a walk. "Child" added another fifteen minutes. A small fenced-off courtyard was somewhere near the sawmill. Wood dust flew. Day after day the same thing. The son was a lively, active boy. It was terrible that he would fall from the bunk onto the stone floor. I carried it in my arms and searched my memory for some kind of lullaby. None suited our fate. And then she composed her own, prison lullaby: "My boy, do not believe in the betrayal of Your father ..." Women still constantly waited for them to be released. Too ridiculous, it was not clear what happened. But they were sent not to their homes, as they vividly hoped, but to forced labor camps in Mordovia. Two weeks of quarantine, and now the children are already in the camp nursery. They sent me: to work as a sawyer in the zone. It was necessary to provide all household points with firewood: kitchen, bathhouse, laundry... The sawyer's working day was not standardized, I could take Mitya and walk with him in my free time. His first steps, his first words were in the camp. But in the nursery, an epidemic of toxic dyspepsia began. Mitya also fell ill. I saw with horror how he was weakening, becoming lethargic. indifferent and sometimes only groans. I asked the civilian head of the medical unit, Boltyanskaya, to let me into the nursery to take care of the child. The refusal was resolute: “We have a good care, sisters from your own prisoners: A few more days passed, I didn’t go to work, I sat hopelessly or lay on the bunk. Boltyanskaya came in the evening: “Are you organizing a demonstration, a hunger strike? We'll put her in a punishment cell!..." But nevertheless she gave permission, and they let me into the nursery. Several times they did a transfusion of blood taken from me for Mitya. Some more children fell ill. Their mothers were also allowed to go to them. Nevertheless, coffins were carried outside the zone at night. What winds are blowing over these mounds almost hidden in the grass? My child began to eat a little, get better, come to life. Now I could no longer leave the boy's life to chance. Some mothers have applied to have their children sent to their families. And I got permission. Soon his grandmother came for Mitya - Larisa Dmitrievna, the second wife of Kataev Sr., father of Ivan, and took her second grandson to Kuibyshev. Mine have gone. I was seized by emptiness, it seemed to bite into me, relentlessly was with me. Then I started writing poetry. The stanzas formed in my head without paper, without ink. We didn't have them. It was a cold weekend evening. We sat in the barracks, doing needlework. Someone asked me: "Do not hide, read to us!" I read, acutely feeling the similarity of our destinies... Difficult camp months dragged on. War! She seized us with a feeling of anxiety: many brothers and sisters were at the fronts. There were no parcels, every day it was more difficult, but we did not grumble. It was necessary to sew a lot for the army. Around - the mighty Mordovian forests, there was enough firewood, but in winter the plank walls warmed poorly. Everything was more terrible, more hungry, more hopeless to exist. I won't write about it anymore. One day we woke up from a noise, from jubilant cries. They ran out of the barracks. The word "victory" sounded in the blue dawn and merged into one unstoppable exclamation. We are building, as we are used to at demonstrations, we went between the barracks with the song "The boundless world is flooded with tears." The experienced commandant and guards tried to disperse us into the barracks, but we did not seem to notice them. My release came in September. At the central camp, I learned that I was not allowed to live in most big cities. My relatives in 1942 moved from Kuibyshev to Magnitogorsk. Near this city, I saw the name "Station Burannaya". "This is my destiny," I decided. The train, the people, the tightness and the crush - everything seemed to me light and joyful. I left in Magnitogorsk. My appearance in the apartment of Ivan Matveevich Kataev, professor at the Magnitogorsk Pedagogical Institute, my father Ivan, was a shock for everyone - for Ivan Matveevich, and for Larisa Dmitrievna, and for my children. Yura was already 16 years old, Mitya - 7. After a little search for work in the suburbs of Magnitogorsk, I became a teacher at the elementary school of the Buranny state farm. Every week she went to her own, dangling in the back of a hitchhike or on the steps of crowded trains, clinging to the handrails. In my sons, I recognized the character traits that I valued in their father and in people in general: kindness, love for nature, for beauty, which cannot be killed in life. A couple of years later she was able to move to Magnitogorsk. I worked at a vocational school, where it was very difficult, but interesting. In the city of great labor, there was also a place for me, the "outcast". For ten years of my life in Magnitogorsk, I taught Russian and literature at a metallurgical technical school, at a correspondence secondary school, and read literary lectures around the city. In the workshops of the plant, in clubs and red corners, in libraries - everywhere the lectures were held with success. Maybe because they contained a lot of poetry and even prose, which I easily memorized. Past the platforms with flaming metal, along the access roads, I climbed onto the overpasses and from above I saw the grandiose scope of the entire plant in smoke and puffs of steam ... In 1946, Ivan's father, a wonderful man, a historian, died. He left for Moscow, the eldest son entered Moscow State University. It was not easy for the "son of the enemy of the people." But our sail, pierced by storms, was picked up by the fair wind of the 20th Congress. It was hard to part with Magnitogorsk, where there was an interesting job, friends, relatives and good people. But I rushed to Moscow in search of justice. It was not so easy to get rehabilitation, the case was reviewed for a long time. I have three references from this time: about the rehabilitation of Ivan Kataev, about my own rehabilitation. The third one appeared later that Ivan Kataev allegedly died in 1939. In fact, he was shot on August 19, 1937. Now it was necessary to bring his books back to life. I found some of them in the secret section of "Leninka", something survived from acquaintances and friends, from those few who did not heroically burn them, did not throw them away. And I had to think about housing. Previously, when I came to Moscow from Magnitogorsk during the holidays, I lived with relatives and friends, never stopping anywhere so as not to attract the attention of the police and often unkind neighbors.
Director of Goslitizdat Kotov greeted me in a friendly manner, recalled an epigram, I think, by A. Bezymensky: "Kataev wrote a good novel, but not Valentin, but Ivan." With the wind of renewal, Ivan Kataev's book was included in the next year's plan. They signed a contract with me for it. The Favorites came out in 1957, unusually quickly, and it was a big win. It was followed later by the collections "Under Pure Stars", "Heart", "Bread and Thought" (Lenizdat). In 1970 I managed to collect "Memories of Ivan Kataev". But I return to the first years after my arrival in Moscow. Moscow, my good hope ... I am grateful to fate that I had time to see, to be with people who are infinitely close. Met sisters and their children. But after all, my family has gone through a difficult path over the years. And new losses came. My older brother Volodya fell and died immediately of a heart attack in the factory yard on his way to work. Years of imprisonment in the camps of the Komi ASSR undermined his strength. In the assembly hall of the factory club - a coffin in flowers, around a silent crowd of workers and two women in black - a wife and daughter. Another departure from a terrible disenfranchised life.
My older sister Ksenya died, also on the go, also from a heart attack ... "How crowded in my soul from those who have gone forever," - even then these lines formed. Strangers lived in our green house in the village of All Saints: my father died in the thirties, my mother died in Tashkent in the evacuation. The sisters left this house, settling in Moscow closer to work. But with me was Faina Shkolnikova, my friend from a young age. She was friends with many of the "Pass" - with Kataev, Zarudin, Huber. For this, with the wording "for failure to report," she served five years in the camp and now worked on the outskirts of Moscow at a textile factory. In previous years, she was the head of the editorial office of the journal "Foreign Literature". Faina invited me to her ten-meter room. But a policeman came to visit us, demanding a residence permit, and the room was small for this. And then the writer Vasily Grossman, a person close to our former circle, suggested that I settle on the street. Basmannaya - into a six-meter room with a window on the white wall of a neighboring house, next to the kitchen of a large communal apartment. The owner of this valuable room had a "reservation" for it, since he worked in the North. Behind the door, gas burners hummed, angry voices were heard, and there was a smell of something burnt. And I, satisfied with the fact that there is a table and a table lamp, read from the typewriter. I collected everything possible from the literary heritage of Ivan Kataev - what was not included in the "Favorites". Two typists threw me material for reading, and at the same time I wrote poetry. Of course, I applied to the Writers' Union, to which in 1937 - 38. our cooperative apartment in Lavrushinsky Lane, where we never entered ... There were promises, but ... I somehow even sent a "Variant application" in verse: wandering around the layout According to different acquaintances. I'll wander, sadly I'll sit Somewhere on a pedestal. And for fifteen hours in a row I contemplate the flowerbed... Is it long to wander the world Among thunderstorms and downpours? But the Union, having taken the apartment, Was quicker ... I lived for a year in a dim, "gas" room on Basmannaya. She helped me a lot in my life. Then, through the Union of Writers, they nevertheless gave me a room in a new house on Lomonosovsky Prospekt; 20-meter room, in a communal apartment. Now I could return to my poetry. She prepared a book of poems "Test" for the publishing house "Soviet Writer", which was published in 1965. The preface to it was written by my old friend, the poet Mikhail Svetlov. Later, two more books of my poems were published. I think that the early years of my life, the time of great hopes, enthusiastic work, communication with the best people in life and literature, gave me the strength to survive the inevitable terrible that fell upon the whole country, on me, on our family, on such a pure, beautiful person, what was Ivan Kataev. Everything I experienced gave me an understanding of the depth and strength of the human soul - the most fragile and most resistant material on Earth.

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Books

• Valentin Kataev. Collected works in six volumes (set of 6 books)
• Valentin Kataev. Collected works in six volumes (number of volumes: 6), Kataev V. Valentin Petrovich Kataev - Russian Soviet writer, poet and playwright. From the beginning of his literary activity in 1910, he created works dedicated to public life, ...