Agricultural tribes of Europe. Early domestic agricultural and pastoral civilizations

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On the territory of our Fatherland, primitive man appeared during the early Paleolithic period - ancient stone age(about 700 thousand years ago). Settlement came from the south, as evidenced by archaeological finds. So, in the Zhytomyr region and on the Dniester, traces of the stay of ancient people 500-300 thousand years ago were found.

The sites of people of the Middle Paleolithic (100-35 thousand years BC) were found on the territory of Russia: on the Middle and Lower Volga and in other places. These settlements were relatively few in number and located at a considerable distance from each other.

In the late Paleolithic period (35-10 thousand years BC), a skilled person (homo habilis) is replaced by a reasonable person (homo sapiens), the primitive herd is replaced by a higher form of social organization - a tribal community.

The Sungir culture (near Vladimir) is a unique monument of the Late Paleolithic. Archaeological finds tell about the appearance, clothing, material culture and ritual rites of that time.

Ancient people were engaged in gathering, hunting, fishing (appropriating economy), and later - agriculture and cattle breeding (producing economy). Hoe farming (manually with a hoe without draft power) was later replaced by plow farming - horses or oxen were harnessed to the plow.

In the Bronze Age (3rd-2nd millennium BC), the specialization of the manufacturing economy began. In the North, hunting and fishing remain the main occupations, and nomadic cattle breeding and agriculture predominate in the steppe zone.

With the advent of the iron ax (1st millennium BC), it became possible to clear forest areas for arable land, and agriculture moved further and further to the North.

The use of metal (copper, bronze, iron) tools increased the productivity of all types of people's economic activities. Of the hunting and agricultural tribes, pastoral tribes stand out. This was the first major social division of labor.

The appearance of metals, especially the use of iron, contributed to the development of handicrafts. The second major social division of labor occurred when handicrafts separated from agriculture. This led to the production of surplus products, which were traded not only within the tribe and on its borders, but also with more distant tribes. The process of property differentiation intensified.

On the northern shores of the Black Sea, which the Greeks called Pontus Euxinus, in the 7th-6th centuries. BC e. numerous Greek colonies- city-states (policies). The most famous of them are Olbia at the mouth of the Bug River, Khersones (the old Russian name is Korsun) in the vicinity of present-day Sevastopol, Panticapaeum (in the place of present-day Kerch), Phanagoria on the Taman Peninsula, Tanais at the mouth of the Don River, etc. The Greeks led with the local population - Scythians - not only a brisk trade, but also had their cultural influence. The Greeks bought mainly bread, fish, and sold fabrics, wine, oil, and luxury goods.

As a result of such connections, mixed Hellenic-Scythian settlements were created. With its center in Panticapaeum, the Bosporan Kingdom arose (V-IV centuries BC), which united some Greek cities, as well as local tribes of the Scythians.

Scythian nomadic tribes in the VIII-VII centuries. BC e. came from Asia to the southern and southeastern steppes, displacing the dominant ethnic community here, the agricultural people of the Cimmerians, who went far into Thrace.

Under the general name "Scythians" are known numerous nomadic tribes that differed in the place of settlement and their occupations. The main tribe was considered the royal Scythians, who lived in the lower reaches of the Dnieper along the left bank. On the right bank of the lower Dnieper lived Scythian nomads, to the west of them - Scythian farmers and Scythian plowmen on the middle Dnieper.

Pastoral and agricultural societies

About twenty thousand years ago, some groups of hunters and gatherers in search of a livelihood began to raise domestic animals and cultivate permanent plots of land. Pastoral societies are usually engaged in raising livestock, and the main occupation agricultural societies- cultivation of crops. Many societies lead a mixed economy - cattle-breeding and agriculture.

Pastoral societies

Depending on the habitat, pastoralists breed various animals: cows, sheep, goats, camels or horses. IN modern world many pastoralist communities continue to exist, mainly in Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia. Usually such societies are located where there are rich pastures, as well as in deserts or mountains. These areas are not suitable for productive agriculture, but they can be bred different types livestock.

Pastoral societies usually migrate between different areas in accordance with seasonal changes. Using animals as transport, they cover much greater distances than hunter-gatherer tribes. Since pastoralists are constantly nomadic, they do not accumulate significant material property, although their way of life in this sense is more complex than that of hunters and gatherers. Domestic animals provide a regular supply of food, so pastoral societies are usually much larger than hunter-gatherer communities. Some of them have more than a quarter of a million people.

As they move across vast areas, pastoralists regularly come into contact with other groups. Often they are engaged in trade - as well as war. Many pastoralist societies were peaceful, raising livestock and performing rituals and ceremonies for their community. Others were extremely warlike and made their living by raiding and plundering as much as by pastoralism. Pastoralists show more inequality in the distribution of power and property than hunter-gatherer communities. In particular, leaders, tribal leaders, military leaders often have considerable personal power.

The classic description of a pastoral society was given by Evans-Pritchard, who studied the Newe, a tribe from South Sudan, Africa 2 0) . This people lived mainly due to cattle breeding, but, in addition, the Newe grew some agricultural crops. They settled in villages located at a distance of 8-30 km from each other. In the 1930s, when Evans-Pritchard did his research, the tribe numbered up to 200,000 people. They all spoke the same language and had similar customs. However, they did not have a centralized authority or any (p. 58) government. The Nioe people are divided into tribal groups, which sometimes act together, but mostly live independently.

Each clan has its own territory, the boundaries are often determined by rivers and streams. The land of Newe is not much valued, except perhaps as a place for grazing. During the dry season, clans camp near wells and springs. Much of the Newe's life is dedicated to caring for animals, which are in many ways central to their culture. Neighbors with virtually no livestock are deeply despised by Newe. Every significant phase of life - birth, coming of age, marriage and death - is accompanied by ritual actions involving animals. Men are often addressed by their favorite bulls, and women by their favorite cow they milk.

The Newe are often at war with each other, and also form alliances to protect themselves from outsiders. Wars, like the whole life of the tribe, are connected with cattle. For example, the Newe regularly raid the Dinka, a neighboring pastoral tribe, in order to steal their herds. The Newe proverb says: “More people have died for cows than for any other reason.”

Agricultural societies

Apparently, agricultural societies appeared simultaneously with pastoral ones. At some point, hunter-gatherer groups started planting their own crops instead of collecting wild ones. The first manifestation of this way of life was "gardening", in which small gardens were cultivated with simple hoes and shovels. Until now, many people in the world live mainly due to gardening.

Like pastoralism, horticulture provides a more regular supply of food than hunting and gathering, and therefore larger communities can be based on horticulture. Since gardeners are not nomadic, their cultures may have a greater concentration of property than hunters and even pastoralists. When groups form permanent settlements, regular economic and political links develop between them. Gardeners are militant, although their level of violence is lower than that of pastoral tribes. Plant care people are usually not well versed in the martial arts, while nomadic pastoral tribes often rally into entire predatory armies.

The Gururumba, a New Guinean tribe of about a thousand people, lives in six villages 2 1) . Each village has several plots of land fenced off from each other. Each plot is divided into several plots belonging to different families. Everyone is engaged in agriculture - both adults and children, although men and women are responsible for different types of fruits and vegetables. Each family has several plots, and at different times of the year grows different types of plants there, thus ensuring a regular supply of food. Gururumba culture has a complex ceremonial system of gifts from one family to another, through which the family's status in the community is established. Therefore, Gururumba has vegetable gardens for everyday food and those on which "prestigious" crops are grown. “Prestigious” plants are looked after much more than ordinary ones.

(59str) Gururumba also keep pigs, which, however, are not eaten, but are used as gifts if they wish to acquire a position in the community. Every few years, a grand feast is held, for which hundreds of pigs are slaughtered. Their prepare and give as a gift. At Gururumba. like pastoralists, inequality is much more pronounced than among hunters and gatherers. Important role tribal leaders and leaders play. There are also significant differences with regard to the material wealth that people own.

Non-industrial civilizations, or traditional states

The first evidence of the existence of societies, much larger and completely different from primitive ones, dates back to the sixth millennium BC 2 2) . The appearance of cities is associated with these societies, they are characterized by pronounced inequality, the rule of kings and emperors is associated with them. These societies are often called civilizations since writing existed in them, the sciences and arts flourished. However, since orderly forms of government first appeared there, the term is often used to refer to such societies. traditional states.

Most of the traditional states were simultaneously empires. Their territories increased as a result of conquests or the annexation of other peoples 2 3). So it was, for example, in China and in Rome. At the time of its highest prosperity, in the 1st century AD. The Roman Empire stretched from Britain to the Middle East. The Chinese empire, which existed for more than two thousand years, until the beginning of this century, covered most of East Asia - the territory occupied by modern China. There are no traditional states left in the modern world. Some of them, like China and Japan, survived more or less intact well into the early twentieth century, but nonetheless all of them were either destroyed or converted to more modern systems.

The very first traditional states appeared in the Middle East, usually located in fertile river valleys 2 4) . The Chinese empire was formed around the second millennium BC. At the same time, powerful powers existed in India and Pakistan. A number of large traditional states, such as the states of the Aztecs and Incas, existed in Mexico and in the rest of Latin America. The Inca state was founded about a century before the appearance of the Spanish adventurer Pizarro, who landed in South America in 1535 with a very small detachment of soldiers. However, thanks to an alliance with local tribes hostile to the Incas, he managed to conquer this state and establish Spanish rule in the occupied territory. The conquest of Pizarro was the first episode in a series of confrontations between the West and traditional cultures, as a result of which these cultures completely disappeared.

Mayan civilization

As an example of a traditional state, we will consider another American civilization - the Maya, who inhabited the Yucatan Peninsula in the Gulf of Mexico (60pp). The Mayan civilization flourished in the 4th-8th centuries AD. The Maya built complex places of worship around which residential buildings were located. All buildings were made of stone. The structures were in the form of pyramids, with a temple at the top. Tikal, the largest of the pyramids, was surrounded by a city of 40,000 inhabitants. It was the main administrative center (actually the capital) of the Mayan state.

Mayan society was ruled by an aristocratic warrior-priest class. They were the highest religious dignitaries of the Maya, as well as warlords, and were in constant war with neighboring communities. The majority of the population were peasants, who had to give part of their crops to the aristocratic rulers, who lived in conditions of a kind of luxury.

Why the Mayan civilization disappeared is not exactly known, but it is most likely that it was conquered by neighboring tribes. By the time the Spaniards arrived, the Mayan state was long gone.

The main features of the traditional state

Until the beginning of the modern industrial age, the traditional state was the only type of society in history in which a significant part of the population was not directly involved in food production. In tribes of hunters and gatherers, as well as in agricultural and pastoral societies separation labor was very primitive. Classes were mainly divided into men's and women's. In traditional states, a more complex system of professional occupations already existed. The division by gender was still strictly observed, and the share of women was mainly the work of the house and in the field. However, men developed such specialized occupations as the craft of a merchant, courtier, government official, and soldier.

There was also a simplified division into classes between groups of the aristocracy and the rest of the population. The ruler stood at the head of the "ruling class", which retained the exclusive right to the highest social position. Members of this class tended to live in relative material comfort and luxury. On the other hand, the living conditions of the bulk of the population were often extremely difficult. Slavery was typical for these societies.

Only a few traditional states were founded as a result of the development of trade and were ruled by merchants. Most of them either arose as a result of conquests or built up powerful armed forces 2 5). Traditional states took care of the development of professional armies - the forerunners of modern types of military organization. The Roman army, for example, was an organization with excellent discipline and intensive training of warriors and was the basis on which imperial expansion was built. In the culture of traditional states, the beginnings of the mechanization of war are already visible. The swords, spears, helmets and siege equipment of the Roman army were made by professional craftsmen. The number of casualties in wars between traditional states and in their clashes with "barbarian" tribes has increased many times over in comparison with previous periods.

(61str)

Societies in the modern world

TO today traditional states have completely disappeared from the face of the earth. Although hunter-gatherer tribes, as well as pastoral and agricultural communities, continue to exist to this day, they can only be found in isolated areas - and, in most cases, even these few groups disintegrate. What was the reason for the destruction of societies that determined the entire human history two centuries ago? The answer, if formulated in one word, would be industrialization - the emergence of machine production based on the use of inanimate energy sources (such as steam and electricity). Industrial societies in many ways fundamentally different from any of the previous types of social organization, and their development led to consequences that affected far beyond the borders of their European homeland.

Industrial societies

Modern industrialization originated in England as a result of the "industrial revolution" that began in the 18th century. The term refers to a range of complex technological changes in the way people earn their livelihoods. These changes are associated with the invention of new machines (for example, a loom), the use of new energy sources in production (especially water and steam), as well as the use of scientific methods to improve production. The pace of technological innovation in industrial societies is unusually high compared to traditional ones, as inventions and discoveries in one area lead to even more discoveries in other areas.

The main distinguishing feature of industrial societies is that the vast majority of the working population is employed in factories and offices, and not in agriculture. In traditional societies, even the most advanced, only a small part of the population did not work on the land. The relatively low level of technological development simply did not allow more than an insignificant group to be exempted from agricultural production. In industrialized countries, on the contrary, only about 2-5% of the population is employed in agriculture, and their efforts are enough to provide food for the rest.

Compared to previous social systems industrial societies are much more urbanized. In some industrialized countries, over 90% of citizens live in cities, where most of the jobs are concentrated and new ones are constantly being created. The size of these cities far exceed those that existed in traditional civilizations. In the cities of the new type, social life has become impersonal and anonymous, and we come into contact with strangers much more often than with those we know personally. Organizations of enormous scale are emerging, such as industrial corporations and government agencies, whose activities affect the lives of almost all of us.

Another feature of industrial societies is related to their political systems - much more developed and efficient than traditional forms of government. In the era of traditional civilizations, political power in the person of the monarch or emperor had practically no direct influence on the mores and customs of the majority of subjects who lived in completely independent settlements. With the process of industrialization, transport and communication became much faster, which contributed to the greater integration of "national" communities. Industrial (63str) societies were the first nation states. Nation-states are political communities divided by clear boundaries separating them from each other and replacing the vague boundaries of traditional states. Nation-state governments have exclusive power over many aspects of the lives of their citizens and establish laws that are binding on all living within their borders.

Types of human societies
Main characteristics	Time of existence
Hunter and Gatherer Communities
They consist of a small number of people who support their existence by hunting, fishing and collecting edible plants. Inequality in these societies is weakly expressed; differences in social status are determined by age and gender.	From 50,000 BC e. until now, although they are now on the verge of extinction.
Agricultural societies
These societies are based on small rural communities; there are no cities. The main livelihood is agriculture, sometimes supplemented by hunting and gathering. These societies are more unequal than hunter-gatherer communities; These societies are headed by leaders.	From 12,000 BC e. until now. Today, most of them are part of larger political entities and are gradually losing their specific character.
Societies of pastoralists
These societies are based on the breeding of domestic animals to satisfy material needs. The sizes of such societies vary from a few hundred to thousands of people. These societies are usually characterized by pronounced inequality. They are ruled by leaders or commanders.	The same period of time as that of agricultural societies. Today pastoral societies are also part of larger states; and their traditional way of life is being destroyed.
Traditional States, or Civilizations
In these societies, the basis of the economic system is still agriculture, but there are cities in which trade and production are concentrated. Among the traditional states there are very large ones, with a population of many millions, although usually their sizes are small in comparison with large industrial countries. Traditional states have a special government apparatus headed by a king or emperor. There is a significant disparity between the various classes.	Around 6000 B.C. e. until the nineteenth century. By now, all traditional states have disappeared.
First world societies
These societies are based on industrial production, with a significant role given to free enterprise. Only a small part of the population is employed in agriculture, the vast majority of people live in cities. There is significant class inequality, although less pronounced than in traditional states. These societies constitute special political entities, or nation-states.	From the eighteenth century to the present.
Second world societies
Societies that have an industrial base, but their economic system is dominated by central planning. Only a relatively small part of the population is employed in agriculture, the majority lives in cities. There is a significant class disparity, although the goal of the Marxist governments in these countries is to create a classless system. Like the countries of the first world, do they form special political communities, or nation-states?	From the beginning of the twentieth century (after the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia) to the present.
Third world societies
Societies in which the majority of the population is employed in agriculture, lives in rural areas and uses mainly traditional methods of production. However, some agricultural products are sold on the world market. In some third world countries there is a system of free enterprise, in others - central planning. Third world societies are also nation states.	From the eighteenth century (as colonized countries) to the present.

(64pp) The application of industrial technology was by no means limited to the peaceful process of economic development. Already from the first steps of industrialization, industrial production was called upon to serve military purposes, and this radically changed the way war was waged, since weapons and types of military organization were created much more advanced than in non-industrial cultures. Economic dominance, political integrity, and military power have formed the basis of the unstoppable expansion of the Western way of life that the world has experienced over the past two hundred years.

The once numerous traditional cultures and states disappeared not because their way of life was “inferior”. They were unable to withstand the impact of that combination of industrial and military relics, developed in Western countries. Idea authorities, and the closely related concept ideology, occupy a very important place in sociology. Power refers to the ability of individuals or groups to serve their own interests even when others oppose it. Sometimes power is associated with the direct use of force, but almost always it is accompanied by the emergence of ideas (ideologies) that justify actions of those in power. In the case of the expansion of the West, the invaders justified their" actions by the fact that they allegedly brought "civilization" to the "pagan" peoples with whom they came into contact.

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In Europe, developed agriculture arose in the Neolithic period. But the transition to the age of metal, although it happened early for some tribes (3rd millennium BC), has not yet led to fundamental changes in socio-economic relations here either.

Tribes of the Caucasus during the Eneolithic.

The largest center of copper production was located on the border of Asia and Europe - in the Caucasus. This center was of particular importance because the Caucasus was directly connected with the advanced countries of the then world - with the slave-owning states of Asia Minor.

The materials of the most ancient agricultural settlements of the Shengavit type (Armenian SSR) obtained in the Transcaucasus allow us to speak about the presence there at the beginning of the 3rd millennium of an agricultural culture, to a certain extent associated with the centers of the ancient East. Settlements of the Shengavit type are also found in the North Caucasus (the Kayakent burial ground and settlements near Derbent).

The cultural upsurge and connections with the ancient eastern centers through the Transcaucasus are especially vividly revealed in the North Caucasus by the artifacts discovered there at the beginning of the 20th century. wonderful burial mounds near Maykop and the village of Novosvobodnaya. The parallels established by these excavations with the culture of the ancient city of Mesopotamia - Lagash (silver vases and their ornamentation), the great similarity of the sculpture of bulls and lions, as well as rosettes and copper axes with the monuments of another ancient city of Mesopotamia - Ura (the period of the so-called I dynasty), the shape of pins from Novosvobodnaya, similar to those found in the city of Kish in Mesopotamia, and, finally, beads, completely similar to those found in Kish and in the most ancient layers of the ancient Indian city of Mohenjo-Daro, testify that the Maykop barrow and the barrow near the village of Novosvobodnaya date back to about the middle of the 3rd millennium BC . e.

By this time, major changes in production and culture were taking place in the North Caucasus. This is especially clearly seen when comparing materials from the Nalchik settlement and burial ground with materials from the Dolinskoye settlement near Nalchik and from large Kuban kurgans.

The Nalchik burial ground and settlement date back to the very beginning of the Eneolithic in the North Caucasus. Only one copper object was found there. The earthenware is very rough. Cattle breeding was still slightly developed. There is no information about agriculture. All tools are made of stone, have a very archaic, Neolithic appearance and are typical for hunting and fishing life. The decorations also retain their former, Neolithic character. At the same time, some finds, perhaps, already speak of some connections with Transcaucasia and Mesopotamia. In the Nalchik burial ground, a crescent-shaped plate-pendant was found, completely similar to the Sumerian ones, made of agate. With the Sumerians (for example, from the city of Lagash), a stone drilled mace is also similar.

No traces of huts were found in the Nalchik settlement. Obviously, light huts served as shelter for its inhabitants.

A completely different picture is presented by the settlement in Dolinskoye. Its inhabitants lived in solid huts with wicker walls plastered with clay. Among a large number of stone tools, many serrated plates were found that served as blades for sickles. Hoes and grain graters were also found, testifying to the development of hoe agriculture. The grain pits near the huts also speak of agriculture. At the same time, cattle breeding also developed. The great development of pottery is evidenced by dishes that have become more diverse; along with all kinds of small vessels, large pots were made, completely similar to those found in the Maykop barrow.

But the manufacture of copper tools reached a particularly high development at that time. In Maykop and Novosvobodnensky mounds, a large number of copper tools were found - axes, hoes, adzes, knives, daggers, pitchforks, petiole spears - such forms that are characteristic of Mesopotamia and the culture of the island of Crete of the XXVI-XXIII centuries. BC e.

The general upsurge of culture largely determined the establishment of ties with the ancient Eastern centers, which in turn contributed to the further development of the culture of the North Caucasus. These connections, in addition to the similarities in the forms of copper tools and the analogies noted above in the decorations and shapes of silver vessels, are also manifested in the visual arts: in the drawings engraved on Maikop silver vases, in the sculptural figures of bulls, in the bas-relief images of lions and rosettes that adorn the costume and the magnificent funeral canopy. . The very richness of the grave goods and the huge size of the North Caucasian large mounds, which stand out against the general background of modest ordinary burials, especially emphasize the depth of the changes that took place then in the Caucasus in the social system of local tribes - the ancient unity of the clan was violated, social inequality appeared, tribal nobility began to stand out . The North Caucasus at this time, in the middle of the III millennium BC. e., in terms of development, of course, far ahead of other areas of mainland Europe.

Excavations in Georgia, in the mounds of Armenia and Azerbaijan (for example, in Nagorno-Karabakh) reveal the history of ancient, apparently still matriarchal, communities whose economy was based on agriculture and cattle breeding, which arose in the Transcaucasus in the Neolithic period and received in the III millennium BC. e. further development. At the same time, the sites of the Copper Age in Transcaucasia are very similar to the sites of the same time in the territory of Western Asia. The monuments of Transcaucasia, however, are distinguished by a certain originality, indicating the independence of the development of the tribes that inhabited this region. There is no doubt that the population of Transcaucasia, to an even greater extent than the tribes of the North Caucasus, used the achievements of the culture of the peoples of Mesopotamia. Transcaucasia served as the main center for the extraction of obsidian, from which, in the first half of the 3rd millennium, tools were especially readily made in various areas of Mesopotamia and in Elam. The population of Transcaucasia served as a transmitter of southern products to the north. Apparently, it is only by chance that no Eneolithic monuments have been discovered in Transcaucasia, as remarkable as the Maykop barrow of the North Caucasus.

Development of agriculture in the regions of the Lower Danube and Transnistria.

Another Eneolithic center arose in Central and Southern Europe. In the fertile areas of the Lower Danube and the Dniester region, at the end of the 4th and in the first half of the 3rd millennium, the tribes living here, along with hunting and domestic cattle breeding, also engaged in primitive agriculture.

The primeval hoe - a massive stick with a bone, horn or stone tip tied to it - served here as the only tool for cultivating the soil. If we take into account the density of the grass cover of the Central European steppes and the Dniester region, then one can easily imagine what great work the first farmers had to spend for cultivating the soil.

These farmers no longer lived in the camps of hunters and fishermen scattered along the dunes on the banks of rivers and lakes with their temporary dwellings - dugouts, but in durable winter huts that made up large settlements. In many areas of this part of Europe, the population remained in the same place for centuries, cultivating the surrounding areas. On the Lower Danube, in the northern as well as in the middle part of Bulgaria, in Hungary, in the northeastern part of Yugoslavia, in Romania and Moldova, these settlements left powerful strata, reaching several meters in thickness and forming "residential hills", not much different from those warmer - the hills of Western Asia, which store the remains of ancient settlements of the early Copper Age. The most striking examples of these settlements are the "residential hills" of the so-called Lower Danubian culture in Bulgaria, the settlement of Vinca in Yugoslavia, the settlement of Turdosh in southern Hungary. In the second half of the 3rd millennium, production here reaches a very high level. copper products. The so-called "copper age" of Hungary is represented at this time by tools that are not inferior to Chinese and Asia Minor.

Tripolye culture.

The culture of this type has been studied in particular detail in the so-called Trypillia settlements of Ukraine, Northern Romania and Moldova (they are named Tripoli settlements after the place of the first finds made by the Ukrainian archaeologist V.V. Khvoyko near the village of Bolshoye Trypillia, Kiev region.).

In Northern Romania, near the villages of Izvoar and Cucuteni, and in Ukraine along the Dniester, near the villages of Darabani, Nezvishki, near Polivanov Yar and in a number of other places, the remains of Trypillia settlements were burned. The study of these settlements showed that the population lived here for a long time. The first houses were built at the beginning of the 3rd millennium, but in a number of settlements life continued until about the 17th century. BC e. During this huge period of time, the life of Trypillians changed. This is especially noticeable in relation to metallurgy; if in the oldest layers of Cucuteni there are only individual traces of the manufacture of copper products, then in the later layers there are already bronze tools and weapons similar to the bronze products of other centers of Central Europe. The wonderful Trypillia dishes were also changed, which were originally decorated with carved stripes and ribbons, and later richly painted with complex colorful patterns.

Tripoli tribes initially occupied a relatively limited territory in the Eastern and South-Eastern Precarpathians. Their ancient settlements did not spread east of the Southern Bug. However, the achieved level of development of the economy and culture allowed them in the second half of the III millennium BC. e. master the vast territories of the right-bank Ukraine, up to the Dnieper, move south to the Danube and build their settlements in the west - in Transylvania to the Olt River. In the north, the Teterev River serves as the boundary of the Trypillia settlements. In Poland, they are found in the Krakow region.

Tripoli settlements consisted of houses located in a circle. Sometimes there are several such circles. If we assume the simultaneous existence of all houses, then some settlements, for example, the settlement near the village of Vladimirovka in Ukraine, in the Uman region, consisted of almost two hundred houses located in six concentric circles. The center of Trypillia settlements in Ukraine was usually not built up; on a vast square there were only one or two large houses, apparently serving as a meeting place for the inhabitants of the village to discuss community affairs.

The Trypillya ground adobe house consisted of several rooms, some of which served as housing, and the rest were storerooms for supplies. In each room there was a black clay oven, designed for baking bread, there were large vessels for storing grain and a grain grater; in the back of the room, near the window, there was a clay altar with figurines of female deities placed on it. The structure of the house suggests that it was inhabited by several couples. The village itself was an association of kindred families, which included several generations, headed by the eldest in the family. The widely developed cult of the woman-mother suggests that the inhabitants of the Trypillia settlements have not yet passed that stage of development of the primitive communal system, which is characterized by the highest development of the maternal clan. Only in the XVIII-XVII centuries. BC e. among the Tripoli tribes, the importance of cattle breeding in their economy increases, the role of men increases and features appear, especially in the funeral rite, that make it possible to speak of the transition of these tribes to patriarchy.

Eneolithic in Western Europe.

The tribes of Southern and Central Europe differed little from the Trypillians in terms of their level of development. Many of these tribes are characterized by a significant amount of production of copper products. In the mountains of Central Europe, especially in Rudny, already in the III millennium BC. e. copper deposits began to be successfully developed, which later served as an ore base for Central Europe for a long time.

The agricultural tribes that lived north of the Middle Danube basin also lived in large settlements, in large houses with several stoves or hearths. Particularly characteristic in this respect are the so-called Lenschel and Jordanmühl settlements in Upper Austria, Czechoslovakia, northern Hungary, southern Germany, and southwestern Poland. In the alpine zone of northern Italy, Austria, Germany and Switzerland, the same picture of the economy and social structure can be reconstructed in pile settlements on lakes. The population of the regions of France, especially in the first half of the III millennium BC. e., differed by a relatively lower level of development of productive forces. The population that left the monuments of the so-called Seine-Oise-Marne culture, apparently, knew agriculture, which arose here as early as the very early Neolithic, but it was not the main branch of their economy. Hunting still played a significant role, people still lived in dugouts. The same should be said about the regions of Germany located between the Elbe and the Oder, only in the second half of the 3rd millennium did the role of agriculture and cattle breeding increase here.

In the second half of the 3rd millennium, material culture developed more noticeably in the regions along the upper and middle reaches of the Rhine. In this "part of Germany and France, along with open settlements, vast fortified shelters arise, in which, in case of danger, the inhabitants of the surrounding settlements took refuge. Such fortifications sometimes reach enormous sizes (for example, Mayen and Urmitskoye), although a permanently inhabited village on their territory in size Thus, the vast fortified area was designed only for the temporary stay of residents of the surrounding villages, and huge defensive structures (for their construction in Urmitsa, 60 thousand cubic meters of land were dug up and strong log towers were erected and palisades) were built by the entire population of the surrounding villages.These fortified shelters, apparently, were the centers of the unification of tribal villages and testify to the high level of development of tribal life.

A special culture developed in the northern regions of France and Germany. The most characteristic here is the region of Normandy and Brittany, where the so-called megalithic culture reached its greatest development during the Eneolithic period.

Agricultural in its essence, it is also characterized by the development of tribal associations, with which megalithic (i.e., built from huge stones) structures are associated. They were erected in memory of the prominent inhabitants of a clan or tribe (menhir), as a family tomb (dolmen) or in the form of a tribal sanctuary (cromlech) (Mengir is a single large stone placed. Dolmen is a crypt of large stone slabs. from menhirs placed in a circle.). The large number of these structures and the enormous weight of the stones of which they consisted, undoubtedly indicate that such structures could only be carried out by the forces of an entire tribe.

A great similarity with the life of the tribes of the megalithic culture was the life of the population of Northern Spain.

The Iberian Peninsula during the Eneolithic period was perhaps the most significant center of copper ore production in Western Europe. Here, especially between Almeria and Cartagena, there was a continuous chain of settlements of metallurgists.

In this area, in every excavated ancient hut, archaeologists find copper ore, fragments of clay crucibles for melting copper, copper ingots prepared for exchange; piles of slag and broken crucibles speak eloquently of the centuries-old and extensive development of copper production, designed by no means only for local needs. From here copper went to France (where only in the Marne mountains there were very small developments of their own), to Northern Europe and, apparently, to the Apennine Peninsula and to Greece. Finds in Spain of painted vessels and red pottery, very similar to both South Italian and Aegean, testify to the ancient connections between these regions of Europe. On the other hand, these connections clearly show the spread to many regions of Western and Central Europe, as well as to Northern Italy and the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, of peculiar so-called "bell-shaped" vessels, the initial center of manufacture of which was the southern and eastern regions of Spain.

Culture of pile postvoeks.

A vivid monument of life in the Eneolithic period of the agricultural and pastoral tribes of Europe are the famous pile settlements in Switzerland and in neighboring areas, now known in the amount of four hundred. The oldest piled buildings date back to the 3rd millennium BC. e. The rest existed at the beginning of the 2nd millennium, when the transition to the Bronze Age was already taking place in most of Europe.

A huge number of stone and bone tools, such as axes, chisels and adzes, were found in piled buildings, which were used for working wood. Many of them were fixed into wooden handles by means of special couplings or bushings made of horn. Thanks to the preservative effect of marsh soils and peat, many wooden tools and household items have been preserved - wooden utensils, tables, benches, parts of looms, boats, spindles, bows and other items. Plant grains, remnants of nets, fabrics and other materials that disappear without a trace under normal conditions have also been preserved. This allows us to restore with great completeness and accuracy the life and culture of the inhabitants of pile settlements, the basis of whose existence was mainly livestock breeding and agriculture.

Five types of domestic animals were known: bulls, pigs, goats, sheep and dogs. All of these animals were small breeds. The emergence of such breeds of animals is believed to be due to the difficult conditions in which they existed, and first of all, poor care and malnutrition.

The land was cultivated with hoes made of wood, stone, bone or deer antler. Hoes were used to loosen the ground in areas freed from forests near lakes. Bread was reaped with flint sickles. The grain was threshed with wooden mallets and ground into flour or groats on hand-held oval-shaped stone grinders. Traces of chaff mixed with grains of weeds have been preserved in the swampy soil near the pile dwellings. Even bread baked by the inhabitants of pile settlements, which had the shape of small round cakes, survived. The cakes were made from wheat, millet and barley. Peas, lentils, carrots, parsnips, poppies and flax were also sown. There were also fruit trees - apple trees, grapes were bred. The remains of special drilling machines with a bow, which were used to drill holes in the stone, have been preserved. Fire was made with the same bow drill. Flax was spun with the help of wooden spindles, on which clay spinners were put on, which served as handwheels. Fabrics were knitted from threads with wooden crochet hooks, they were also woven on a primitive loom. Clay vessels of various shapes were made.

With this level of development of the economy, the existence of a primitive natural exchange: there was a need for materials that were not available in the area, and apparently there was some surplus of livestock products. In the piled buildings of Western Switzerland, there are long bladed knives and polished axes made of a kind of yellowish flint, which was mined and processed in the Lower Loire, in France. From there, such products also dispersed to other regions of France, present-day Belgium and Holland. The population of Swiss pile buildings also received amber from the Baltic, Mediterranean corals and shells. However, the exchange was still very limited in scope and, of course, could not contribute to the decomposition of the primitive communal system.

Piled buildings clearly testify to the strength and strength of the primitive communal order. To cut and sharpen hundreds and thousands of piles with stone axes, deliver them to the lake shore, and then drive them into marshy soil great amount working hands. There should have been a harmoniously organized and friendly team. In those distant times, only a tribal community, welded together by collective production and indissoluble blood ties, could be such a collective.

Each pile settlement and each village of the ancient farmers and pastoralists of the Stone Age was one cohesive whole. All members of this association built their nest among the lakes by common efforts, jointly defended it from enemy attacks. Together they plowed their fields, harvested their crops together, celebrated their communal holidays and celebrations together.

The division of labor within the community was obviously natural. Men were engaged in hunting, fishing, performed the most difficult physical work, especially clearing the soil for crops and cultivating arable land; they built houses and drove piles, made tools and wooden utensils from stone and bone. Women took care of the crops, reaped, threshed, ground grain on grain graters, baked bread, stored food for future use, and collected wild-growing edible herbs, fruits and berries. Probably, they also prepared clothes, made pottery.

The social affairs of the village, including the organization of labor, as in other similar societies, apparently, were led by a council of adult members of the community, and everyday life was under the control of elected elders and leaders.

It should be noted that the same piled structures were found in other areas of Europe - in Northern Italy, Southern Germany, Yugoslavia and Northern Europe - from Ireland to Sweden. There are their remains in the north of the USSR, in the Vologda region and in the Urals. Such, for example, is a pile settlement on the Modlon River (Vologda Oblast). It was located on a narrow promontory formed by the Modlona River and the Perechnaya River flowing into it. Excavations revealed two rows of houses, the foundations of which were piles driven into the ground.

All houses in the plan approached a quadrangle. The walls were made of wattle, the roof was covered with birch bark. On the floor of the houses and between the houses, various articles made of bone, stone and wood were found. Amber jewelry of Eastern Baltic origin was also found.

In general, the ancient settlement on Modlon gives a picture of the same tightly knit community life as the other pile settlements of the late Stone Age described above.

Tribes of the South Russian steppe in the III millennium.

The steppe spaces between the Dnieper and Ural rivers in the first half of the 3rd millennium were inhabited by tribes who were engaged in hunting and fishing and left us BC. e. mounds in the steppe spaces along the Volga and Don, in the left-bank Ukraine, in the bend and in the lower reaches of the Dnieper. Burials in simple earth pits are found under these barrows. In the "pit" mounds of a later origin, bones of domestic animals were found, the remains of wagons - signs indicating the beginning of cattle breeding, as well as individual copper crafts.

In the coastal zone, the Neolithic way of life was still fully preserved. The life of its population was vividly reflected by the Mariupol burial ground, left on the very shore of the Sea of ​​Azov by a tribe that lived mainly by fishing and hunting, did not yet know metal and preserved in their rituals, in everyday life, in clothing the same features of the Neolithic period that we noted in the North Caucasus based on the materials of the Nalchik settlement and burial ground. Here the archaism of this way of life was even more profound; the tribes living in the coastal zone have not yet mastered even the production of pottery.

Only in the second half of the 3rd millennium - no doubt, in connection with the upsurge that has been outlined in the economy of the North Caucasus - the population of the Azov-Black Sea, Kuban and Caspian steppes begins to develop faster.

This new stage in the history of the tribes that lived in our South during the Eneolithic period is represented by the so-called catacomb mounds in the steppes between the Volga and the Dnieper (The name comes from the method of burial in these mounds: it was carried out in a kind of catacombs - chambers dug in one of the walls at the bottom of the entrance well of the burial.). At that time, tribes closely connected with the North Caucasus lived there. They accepted the achievements of the Caucasian tribes in copper metallurgy, agriculture and cattle breeding. These tribes, apparently, formed several associations, to a certain extent differing from each other in the details of their culture. At the same time, it can be noted that catacomb burials are found in the east at an older time than in the west.

Settlement of tribes to the west.

It seems that the tribes that left us the catacomb burials spread from east to west during the 23rd century. BC e. and the following centuries. In the west, they came into conflict with the Tripoli tribes, pushed them back from the Middle Dnieper and penetrated into Poland, where we also find burials in which ceramics are found, close to ceramics characteristic of the catacomb mounds and the North Caucasus.

The reason for such a wide settlement of the tribes that left the catacomb mounds must be sought in the nature of their economy. The process of development of cattle breeding began, the tribes became more mobile; agriculture played a lesser role in their lives. The needs of nomadic pastoralism caused resettlement over large areas. Because of the pastures there were military clashes. It should be noted that the domestication of animals and the guarding of herds were the work of men. Therefore, the cattle belonged to the man and was inherited not by the maternal family, but by the sons of the man. This gradually led to the concentration of property in individual families and eventually split the tribal community, which was now opposed by a large patriarchal family. It consisted of several generations of direct relatives on the paternal side, who were under the authority of the oldest. The growth of wealth and the emergence of property inequality entailed the emergence of slavery. This is marked by the frequent forced burial in the catacombs of slaves along with a man. Livestock was here the first form of wealth, which allowed the accumulation of significant surpluses.

The penetration of the tribes that left the catacomb mounds to the west was not limited to the territory of Poland. Catacomb burials can be traced as far as Slovenia. The so-called corded ornament on local utensils was most closely associated with the ornamentation of vessels from the catacomb burial mounds. This ornament was widespread at the end of the III millennium BC. e. on the territory of present-day Hungary, Austria (in Salzburg) and the northern part of Yugoslavia.

At the beginning of the II millennium BC. e. in Europe, especially in Northern and Middle Europe, cord ornamentation of dishes was widespread. In a number of areas, amphoras of North Caucasian forms appeared (for example, Saxo-Thuringian ceramics), and decorations typical of pit and catacomb burials, primarily wand-shaped pins, also spread.

Significant changes are taking place in the economy of the population of this zone. Cattle breeding is developing there and in many areas it is becoming the main branch of the economy. The economy and culture of more ancient tribal associations are changing in this direction. At the same time, similar changes are taking place in the territory that was recently occupied by the tribes that created the Trypillia culture.

All these facts indicate that at the end of the Eneolithic Europe was undergoing profound changes caused by the westward penetration of the population from the steppes of Eastern Europe, who brought with them a lot of new things in technology, agriculture, ceramic production and other areas of culture. This confirms the assumption of some linguists that the tribes who spoke the oldest Indo-European languages ​​are of Eastern origin, and this explains the presence related languages Indo-European family in the vast expanses from the Indus to Western Europe.

In Central Europe and on the Rhine, tribes that came from the east met and mingled with another, western group of tribes, apparently spreading from Spain (the so-called "tribes of the stakes of the circum-shaped cups"). This mixing could play a decisive role in the process of spreading farther to the west of the Indo-European languages, which also subjugated the old languages ​​of Neolithic Europe here and formed new languages ​​- the Celtic and other ancient Western European groups of the Indo-European family of languages.

A similar process took place at the beginning of the 2nd millennium in the forest-steppe zone of Eastern Europe. The southern tribes associated with the Dnieper-Desna group of the Middle Dnieper tribes also penetrated here. Their progress is marked by early monuments of the so-called Fatyanovo culture, discovered first in the Bryansk and then in the Moscow region (The culture is named Fatyanovo after the place of finds near the village of Fatyanovo, near the city of Yaroslavl.). Later, they spread throughout the Volg-Oka interfluve, developing cattle breeding here, which was still unknown to the local Neolithic society. high forms metallurgy and ceramic craftsmanship. However, here their fate was different than in Western Europe. In the forest areas of the Volga-Oka interfluve, they could not successfully apply their southern forms of economy and were absorbed by the local Neolithic tribes. Only their most eastern part, which settled in the territory of modern Chuvashia and the Lower Kama region, continued to exist later.

By the beginning of the III millennium BC. e. In the midst of the primitive population of Southern and Central Europe, an agricultural and pastoral culture arose, which soon spread to the Rhine in the west and to the Dnieper in the east.

Stone and bone hoes, sickles with flint blades and the remains of cereals - wheat, millet and barley, found during the study of the settlements of these tribes, leave no doubt that primitive hoe agriculture occupied an important place in their economy. The bones found in the settlements, as well as images of animals, indicate that these tribes knew all the main types of livestock: pigs, cattle and small cattle and horses. Hunting, fishing and gathering were incomparably less important in the economy. A strong settlement, settlements consisting of dwellings, usually connected to each other by passages or reaching enormous sizes, a variety of pottery, female figurines and other cultural features complete the picture of the life and life of the ancient agricultural and pastoral tribes of Southern and Central Europe. The culture of agricultural and pastoral tribes that lived in the III millennium BC. e. along the Danube, in the rivers of the Dniester and the Bug and along the right bank of the Middle Dnieper, it received the name Tripolskaya (from the village of Trypillia, Kiev region, where archaeologist V.V. Khvoyko discovered monuments of this culture for the first time in the 90s of the last century). Trypillia culture attracted the attention of numerous researchers, but only in Soviet time, thanks to systematic excavations carried out by T. S. Passek, E. Yu. Krichevsky, S. N. Bibikov and other Russian and Ukrainian archaeologists, it was possible to collect a lot of material, in the light of which the ancient agricultural and pastoral tribes of south-west RUSSIA received comprehensive coverage . Excavations of settlements of agricultural and pastoral tribes have shown that the culture of these tribes existed here for a long period of time, from the beginning of the 3rd to the first quarter of the 2nd millennium BC. e., and Soviet archaeologists managed to establish two main stages in the development of the Trypillia culture and create a periodization of its monuments. The earliest settlements of the Trypillia culture were discovered along the Dniester and in the basin of the Southern Bug. Particular attention is drawn to the excavations of M. L. Makarovich settlements near the village. Grenovka and Sabatinovka II on the Southern Bug, near Psrvomaisk, excavations by S. N. Bibikov near the village. Luka-Vrublevetskaya on the Dniester near Kamenetz-Podolsk and the excavations of T. S. Passek near the village. Bernovo Luka.

Early Tripoli settlements are usually located on the banks of the river, on the first terrace above the floodplain. The early Trypillian time is characterized by large multi-hearth dwellings, consisting of semi-dugouts sunk into the soil, and ground adobe dwellings, however, semi-dugouts are the predominant type, the origin of which dates back to the time of the early Neolithic. A variety of flint and slate tools were found in the dwellings, including flint inserts for sickles, tools made of horn and bone, richly ornamented pottery, and clay figurines, mostly female. Three-colored painted ware in the early Trypillian time is not typical.

Some features of the culture, such as the nature of the deep and fluted ornamentation of pottery and figurines, bring the culture of the inhabitants of the early Trypillian settlements closer to the Neolithic agricultural tribes of the Balkan Peninsula and at the same time connect them with the ancient Mediterranean.

According to some researchers, the agricultural and pastoral tribes of the New Stone Age, who lived in the interfluve of the Danube and the Dnieper, were not only closely connected with the Mediterranean, but also had southern origin.

Somewhat later, the agricultural and pastoral Tripoli tribes (whose settlements were found in huge numbers) spread along the course of the Middle Dnieper, the Southern Bug, the Dniester and the Prut.

At this time, the settlements of the trppol tribes were usually located on elevated places, which had in the III millennium BC. e. predominantly forest-steppe character. People built their dwellings on gentle slopes near oak thickets, on soft loess-chernozem soils convenient for hoeing, which at that time were only turning into chernozem soils. The settlements consisted of a large number of dwellings with clay floors and walls and with light gable ceilings supported by wooden pillars. The dwellings had an elongated rectangular shape and a wide variety of sizes: from 6 to 150 square meters. m. However, large houses with several stoves are especially characteristic of Trypillia settlements.

For the study of the settlements of the Trypillia tribes, the excavations of the settlement in the tract Kolomiyshchina near the village are of particular importance. Khalepye, Kyiv region. Here, on a high plateau on the right bank of the Dnieper, in a layer of chernozem, the remains of 39 rectangular adobe dwellings were found, located in two concentric circles so that there was a free area inside the settlement, apparently for cattle drives. Remains of adobe stoves, floors, walls and partitions, fragments of clay vessels, tools made of stone and bone, stone grain grinders, animal bones, etc., were found in the dwellings.

Among the stone tools found in Trypillia settlements, stone hoes mounted on a wooden handle are especially frequent. The agriculture of the Tripoli tribes was hoe farming. The earth was loosened with stone, bone and horn hoes, as well as pointed sticks. It is clear that such agriculture was still very far from real field agriculture, which arose much later, in the era of metal, and was associated with the appearance of arable implements - a plow and a plow.

Cultivated plants known to the people of Trppol can be judged by the imprints of straw and chaff on the clay and by the charred grains that survived in some vessels. It turned out that wheat, millet and barley were among the cultivated plants. The presence of rye as a cultivated plant is less reliable. The harvest was carried out with the help of bone or wooden sickles with flint liners, and the stems were cut off under the very ears. Grain graters, which served among the Tripoli tribes for grinding grain, are usually found inside dwellings; they were sometimes smeared into the floor or fixed on a special clay stand. Grain was stored in special storage pits coated with clay, or in large vessels. For baking bread, clay ovens were used, of which there were several in each Trppolsky dwelling.

Judging by ethnographic parallels, primitive agriculture of the Trypillia type could exist only as a collective production. It required the combined efforts of all the inhabitants of the house - men and women.

No less important in this period in the economy of the Tripoli tribes was cattle breeding. The bones found in Trypillia settlements, in the overwhelming majority, belong to domestic animals. In the settlement of Kolomiyshchina near the village. The halepie of domestic animal bones was about 20 times greater than the bones of wild animals. Hence, hunting was of secondary importance. Bones of a domestic bull prevailed, bones of a goat and a pig were less. The remains of wild animals are represented by the bones of roe deer, deer, elk and beaver.

Approximately the same was the statistics of the bones found in the study of numerous other Trypillia settlements, in which the bones of a domestic dog were also always found. In all likelihood, at the end of the III millennium BC. e. Trypillian tribes also became familiar with the domestic horse, known in the wild and earlier as an object of hunting.

Trypillia pastoralism was characterized by stable keeping of livestock. The inner space of the settlement, surrounded by dwellings located in a circle, was an open corral for cattle. The size of the herd was limited by this primitive state of pastoralism. The relatively rare finds of flint arrowheads speak of the insignificant role of hunting in the Trypillia economy.

However, it should be noted that in different areas of distribution of Trypillia tribes, the role of hunting was not the same. So, for example, excavations of recent years in the Middle Dniester basin at a settlement near the village. Polivanov Yar (Kelmenetsky district of the Chernivtsi region of the Ukrainian SSR) found among the stone tools a large number of flint darts and arrowheads. Analysis of coal residues showed that during the Trypillia time in the Dniester region, significant areas were covered with deciduous forests. Species such as oak, hornbeam, elm and willow stand out. In these forests on the Dniester there were such animals as red deer, roe deer, wild boar, which people hunted.

Fishing also played an insignificant role in the economy of the Tripoli tribes. Tripoli settlements were by no means always associated with a large water stream, often located next to streams. Naturally, the possibilities of fishing in these conditions were very limited. However, in those cases when the Trypillia settlements were located on the banks of the river, as, for example, near the ss. Bernovo-Luka, Soloncheni, Luka-Vrublevetskaya on the Dniester, fishing was more widespread. So, in the dugouts of Bernovo-Luk, in the cultural layer, bones and vertebrae of two fish species were found - catfish and carp, bone and copper fishhooks, clay weights from nets.

The sedentary lifestyle of the Tripoli tribes favored the flourishing of pottery. According to the manufacturing technique, the richness of forms.

The variety and perfection of ornamentation of Triiol ceramics occupies one of the first places among the pottery of the primitive tribes of Europe. Large, pear-shaped vessels were used to store grain or any liquids. Wide-mouthed vessels served to store pieces of meat and other products. There were special pots for cooking food. The dairy farm had a whole set of jars, jugs, cups and vessels with holes that were used to make cheese.

In recent years, on the basis of a detailed study of Trypillia ceramics and observations during excavations of multilayer Trypillia settlements, Soviet scientists have succeeded in identifying characteristic complexes of ceramic products for all the main stages in the development of the Trypillian culture. Thus, in the ceramics of the Early Tripoli tribes, vessels with deep spiral ornamentation and thin-walled, well-polished vessels with a fluted surface usually predominate.

Later, under the influence of the eastern Mediterranean, among the Trypillian tribes, along with the former technique of decorating vessels, dishes made of well-washed clay, strong firing, with a painting in the form of a spiral applied with two or three colors (red, black and white) became widespread. In the later period of the existence of the Trypillia culture, the three-color painting in ceramics gradually disappeared, and the vessels were usually painted with one black, less often black and red paint. Vessels decorated with rope imprints appeared.

Pots for cooking food were made from a special mass with an admixture of finely crushed shells and were ornamented with a jagged edge of the shell, notches of nails, etc.

The tricolor painted patterns that adorn Trypillia vessels are very reminiscent of the painted ceramics of Semigradje, the middle Danube and Northern Greece.

Geographical proximity to the advanced civilizations of Western Asia and the eastern Mediterranean, under the influence of which the Trypillian tribes, who were probably of southern origin, were influenced, by the way, also affected the fact that even in the earliest Trypillian settlements, separate finds of copper tools were made - awls, fishing hooks. Copper was, therefore, known to the Trypillia population, but it was still very rare and, of course, a material imported from outside.

Copper tools were made by cold forging from native copper without any impurities.

At the middle and late stages of the development of the Trypillia culture, the number of copper tools increased and along with copper awls, fish hooks, beads, copper knives, wedge-shaped axes, chisels, etc. appeared.

Copper finds testify to the wide intertribal exchange that existed at that time among the Tripoli tribes with the tribes living in the Carpathian region, where there was copper, and with the Mediterranean countries and Asia Minor.

However, the main tools of labor of the Trypillian tribes throughout their history were flint, slate, bone and horn. On Trypillia tribal settlements on the Dniester, places of their production were found, which were usually located near dwellings. At the settlement of Polivanov Yar, in one of these “workshops”, more than 3,000 production wastes were discovered - flint nodules, flakes, fragments of all sizes, dozens of blanks of a rough macrolithic appearance, cores, chippers, and finally, hundreds of flint and slate tools of various types and purposes. All this makes it possible to assume that the ancient inhabitants of the Polivanov Yar settlement made these tools not only for their household, but also for exchange with their neighbors. The richest outcrops of flint and shale on the Dniester and along its tributaries served the ancient man in the Neolithic era as the necessary base for creating “workshops” for the manufacture of flint and slate tools on the site of settlements. The abundance and variety of forms of Trypillia tools from the excavations of settlements on the Dniester indicate how diverse the functions of these tools were, and therefore show the great complexity and development of the entire economic life of the Trypillia tribes. Among Trypillia tools, stone and horn hoes for cultivating the earth, stone grain grinders, flint inserts-sickles, flint axes for splitting and slate adzes for wood processing, flint scrapers, drills, knives, saws for bone and leather processing, whetstones for grinding axes are known. and bone punctures, the tips of darts and shooters.

The basis of the social system of the Tripoli tribes was matriarchal clan relations. And nothing testifies so clearly to the strength of tribal relations as the Trypillia collective dwellings.

They belonged to several paired families, which constituted a community of a matriarchal-clan type, like the communities of the Iroquois, who lived in large collective houses.

The tripolga house-building is characterized by variations in the size of dwellings, from the smallest to very large, associated with the gradual growth of tribal communities. Also very typical are the multi-focal and multi-chamberedness in such dwellings, the arrangement of things inside the house in groups, and sometimes the presence of several entrances, which indicates a combination of a primitive communal clan economy with separate living of paired families in a common dwelling.

Dwellings had, as a rule, also an economic division. In one part of the dwelling, stoves and hearths were concentrated, in the other - grain graters and vessels for storing grain, in the third - materials for the manufacture of tools, and so on, which emphasizes the commonality of the Trypillian household, despite the existence of separate paired families. The community was also a single collective, uniting all the inhabitants of one settlement, the inner space of which served as a communal paddock for livestock.

The ideological ideas of the Tripoli tribes can be judged by various cult monuments found during excavations. Such a cult monument is the ornamentation of clay vessels, which constituted complex and rather stable ornamental constructions, undoubtedly having a certain religious and magical meaning.

The images of trees, domestic animals and people on the vessels are combined with spirals, concentric circles with crosses, serpentine ribbons, various mysterious signs, and all this religious symbolism most likely expresses the ideas of the solar-cosmic cult, so natural for ancient farmers.

During the excavations of Trypillia settlements, clay figurines depicting a naked human figure are often found. In the overwhelming majority of cases, these figurines reproduce the figure of a woman, much less often they have either male characteristics, or signs of both sexes at the same time.

It can be thought that these figurines express the cult of ancestors characteristic of the primitive system, and the images of the ancestral mother are of particular importance here. Totemic representations are conveyed by clay figurines depicting various, most often domestic animals.

In some cases, wheat grains or crushed grains in the form of coarse flour were mixed into the clay from which the figurines were made. This can be seen as a manifestation of a special agricultural cult, which had the goal of causing the fertility of the fields.

Interesting monuments of the cult are clay cruciform altars found in Vladimirovna, as well as clay models of dwellings found in Popudnya, Sushkovka, Vladimirovka, and others.

Numerous traditions in the field of culture, the beginning of which was laid by the Tripoli and the Balkan and Danube tribes close to them, were preserved in the northwestern Black Sea region for a long time. Their study leads to the conclusion that the ancient agricultural tribes - the Balkan, Danubian and Tripolye - are the ancestors of a vast group of Thracian or Daco-Thracian tribes, well known to authors I millennium BC e. and the beginning of our era, and later, possibly absorbed by the Slavs.

To the north of the Tripoli tribes, in Podolia and Volhynia, as well as in the basin of the Vistula, Oder and Elbe in the III millennium BC. e. other tribes lived, familiar with cattle breeding and agriculture, which constituted a number of local groups that differed significantly from one another. In general, their culture differs from Trypillia, although some tribes were engaged in agriculture. They did not break with the ancient ways of obtaining a livelihood - hunting and fishing. In the conditions of forest soils, with the technique of the Stone Age, agriculture could not have such a serious significance for them as for the Tripoli tribes. Therefore, cattle breeding gradually came to the fore in their economy.

It is believed that the Trypillia and other agricultural and cattle-breeding tribes close to them came from the south, while the Central European tribes were direct descendants of the ancient local population, who gradually mastered new forms of economy, primarily cattle breeding.

On the settlements belonging to these tribes, there are remains of extensive dwellings, often somewhat sunk into the ground. Among the stone tools, axes are common - the necessary weapons of the inhabitants of the forest belt, stone hoes, grain grinders, flint-tipped arrows, etc. Pottery was common everywhere, but more modest and not as diverse as that of the Trypillians, often hemispherical or spherical in shape. Sometimes in the settlements there are rough female figurines made of clay. In Volhynia and Podolia, the northern neighbors of the Trypillians are known mainly from the burials of the last centuries of the 3rd millennium BC. e. Burials were sometimes made in graves lined with stone slabs or covered with mounds. Clay vessels and stone axes were placed next to the deceased. There are also bones of animals, mainly domestic - cows and pigs, and food remains.

At the end of the III millennium BC. e. in Central Europe, occupied by agricultural and pastoral tribes, a population appeared with a predominance of pastoralism, with a special culture and special norms of life. In the archaeological literature, the new tribes have been called the "Cord Ware" tribes, as their pottery is usually decorated with patterns of cord impressions. On the territory of RUSSIA, new tribes spread not only along Podolia and Volhynia, where a population close to the Central European population had long lived, but also in the region of the Dniestr and Middle Dnieper regions, where the Trypillian population lived in the previous time, and to the north - in the Upper Dnieper, southeastern Baltic, as well as the Upper and Middle Volga.

According to Western European archaeologists, the Corded Ware tribes were newcomers in Central Europe who displaced and assimilated the local Neolithic population. Archaeologists of the German nationalist school considered Denmark and southern Scandinavia to be the center of origin of these tribes and considered the Corded Ware tribes as the most ancient Germans. Polish scholars hotly disputed this opinion, pointing out that the Corded Ware tribes were widespread in those places that later became known mainly as Slavic, and therefore the oldest Slavs should be seen in these tribes. The English archaeologist G. Child argued that new tribes spread across Central Europe not from the north, but from the south, from the regions adjacent to the Black Sea.

In the works of Soviet archaeologists, the question of the appearance in Central and Eastern Europe of a pastoralist population with a new culture received a different light. Attention was drawn to the fact that the Corded Ware tribes are by no means homogeneous over a vast area of ​​their distribution; they form several local groups that carry in their culture the features of deep local traditions. The study of these groups led to the idea that the Corded Ware tribes are the direct descendants of the Neolithic tribes of Central Europe, Volyn and Podolia, who passed earlier than others in the era of early metal, to a new way of life - to shepherding - and significantly expanded their territory during this period. .

In Volhynia, new tribes have been known since the first half of the 2nd millennium BC. e. mainly based on the materials of burials, which are stone boxes (cysts) hidden under a mound. The settlements of the Volhynian tribes are still little explored.

In a small stone box near Voitsekhovka, near Zhytomyr, there were two sections. One was buried in sitting position man;

on either side of it were the skeletons of two women, next to them - two children, and even further - two teenagers. Finally, in another, smaller compartment, a man, perhaps a slave, was buried. Stone boxes, therefore, were collective family graves, testifying to the patriarchal system. The burial of a man was accompanied by the burial of his wives, children, perhaps slaves. Some Volhynian tribes practiced the rite of cremation: the remains of the burned corpses were put into burial urns.

The rite of burning the dead, common among the Volyn and Dnieper tribes, just like among some tribes of the Wislenye, attracts our special attention because in the following time, for many centuries, this rite was one of the most characteristic ethnographic signs of Slavic culture. Below we will talk about the fact that on the basis of the Volyn and Dnieper tribes, widely settled during the 2nd millennium BC. e. in the Dnieper basin, all those tribal groups of the 1st millennium BC arose. e. and subsequent centuries, whose belonging to the Slavic tribes finds more and more confirmation.

The things found in the graves of the Volyn tribes are not numerous, but they are extremely characteristic. Flint axes, curved flint knives and arrowheads, spherical clay vessels, necklaces made of drilled boar and bear fangs, amber pendants and belts with bone buckles were placed in the graves. The forms of things found here are typical for tribes with cattle-breeding and hunting economy.

The tribes that lived in the Middle Dnieper also had two funeral rites: inhumation and cremation.

During the excavation of a mound near Stretovka, Kyiv region, traces of ash and several burnt bones were found. Seven vessels with a corded pattern were located here in a circle. One of them contains burnt bones. Along with this, a funeral rite is known here, possibly borrowed from the primitive population of the steppes. The dead were placed in rectangular and rounded pits, sometimes lined with wood and covered with a wooden roof. Such a grave, obviously, reproduced a residential wooden house. A mound was piled on top. As in the steppe regions of the Northern Black Sea region, among the Dnieper tribes, ritual coloring of the dead in red by sending ocher was common, which was extremely rare in Western Ukraine and Volhynia.

In the burial mounds of the Dnieper tribes, vessels in the form of goblets and spherical round-one vessels are found, which are so characteristic of the Volyn tribes. The dead were buried in fur, woolen or leather clothes, sometimes in fur hats. Stone battle axes, flint axes, burdens, arrows, spears, and small flint tools were placed in the graves. Necklaces consisted of wolf teeth, fox teeth, boar fangs or bone beads.

The agricultural-pastoral and pastoral tribes of the "corded ceramics" are of great interest as the most probable ancestors of a number of ancient and modern peoples of Central Europe belonging to the Indo-European group - Slavs, Germans, Illyrians and, apparently, Leto-Lithuanians. We will return to this issue in a subsequent presentation.

REPORT AT THE THEORETICAL SEMINAR, READ AT THE INSTITUTE OF ARCHEOLOGY OF THE USSR Academy of Sciences, MARCH 31, 1960

Recently, the Soviet scientific community celebrated the 75th anniversary of the publication of a work that V.I. Lenin described as "one of the main works of modern socialism" - the book by F. Engels "The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, in connection with the study of L G. Morgan. This book provides an example of a scientific, materialistic study of the primitive history of mankind. V. I. Lenin speaks of this work as a work in which "one can treat each phrase with confidence, with confidence that each phrase was not said at random, but on the basis of enormous historical and political material."

For us archaeologists, of particular importance is the periodization of the history of primitive society set out in this book, the division of the entire history of mankind into three periods: savagery, barbarism, civilization, and each of the first two periods into three stages in accordance with success in the production of means of subsistence. Morgan, according to Engels, "was the first who competently tried to introduce a certain system into the prehistory of mankind, and as long as a significant expansion of the material does not force changes, the periodization he proposed will undoubtedly remain in force."

Periodization of Morgan - Engels gained recognition of archaeologists - primitives different countries and remains valid despite the expansion of materials, despite the discovery of new, previously unknown cultures. At the same time, it is the subject of attacks by the enemies of Marxism.

As an example of modern bourgeois criticism of the Morgan-Engels periodization as obsolete and evolutionary, one can cite the article by K. Narr “The Beginning of Agriculture and Cattle Breeding. Old questions and new findings and research”: “Especially for those researchers who adhere to concepts like that of L. Henry Morgan, who still used his long outdated system for periodization of prehistory and early history(with three stages of "savagery", "barbarism" and "civilization") and locked themselves in the above considerations, it was a great surprise to see how the seemingly solid foundations of the "Neolithic" disintegrated; ergological and economic criteria no longer agree, since the newly discovered, already food-producing inhabitants lack pottery!” .

Engels characterizes the period of barbarism as "the period of the introduction of cattle breeding and agriculture, the period of assimilation of methods for increasing the production of natural products with the help of human activity." During this period, humanity takes a number of very important steps towards progress. These include: the introduction of pottery; domestication of domestic animals, cultivation of edible plants; the use of raw brick (adoba) and stone for the construction of houses, the smelting and processing of metal; the invention of alphabetic writing and its use for recording verbal creativity. Archeology allows us to establish how, when and where these steps on the path of progress were taken by mankind.

From the time of Morgan ("Anciet Society" in 1877), the presence of ceramics was a sign of the "lower stage of barbarism." Archaeologists have tended to rate the appearance of this trait very highly. Excavations over the past quarter century at Tell es Sultan (Jericho) in Palestine, Jarmo in Iraqi Kurdistan, Khirokitia in Cyprus at Kili Ghul Mohammed in Balochistan, and Huaca Prieta in Peru have unearthed permanent settlements with well-defined residential structures whose inhabitants have already made important steps towards food production, but did not yet know ceramics. On the other hand, examples of food gatherers using pottery are known. It seems to us that the appearance or absence of ceramics cannot always be considered a defining feature in establishing the stage of development. In this regard, the question arises that the period of barbarism cannot always begin with the appearance of ceramics, with the introduction of pottery. In some areas, the beginning of the period of barbarism is characterized by the introduction of cattle breeding and agriculture. At the same time, man begins to build houses of raw brick and stone. And only later, the settled agricultural and pastoral population, living in solidly built houses, began to produce ceramics.

So, the period of barbarism is, first of all, the period of agriculture and cattle breeding, which fully corresponds to the above-mentioned description given by Engels. Between periods of savagery and barbarism is an important qualitative change. This qualitative change is the first major social division of labor.

Having at his disposal only the data of Indo-European linguistics for the Old World, which testified to the separation of the Aryan pastoral tribes, Engels believed that "the pastoral tribes stood out from the rest of the mass of barbarians." This event starts the middle stage of barbarism in the Old World. But we can consider that the separation of agricultural tribes begins the same stage in the New.

We do not currently have data to contrast the course of social development in the western and eastern hemispheres. Therefore, we say that the first social division of labor, taken on a world-historical scale, was the separation of agricultural and pastoral tribes.

The question of what used to be - agriculture with cattle breeding (we do not know pure agriculture) or cattle breeding - is far from a simple issue that is still being debated and still cannot be considered finally resolved.

There is a hypothesis according to which cattle breeding and the nomadic state of tribes have existed in Central Asia since very remote times. It is defended mainly by representatives of the German historical school, in particular Fritz Flohr and W. Schmidt. G. Pohlhausen recently defended this hypothesis with the "accompaniment theory". According to it, hunters of large animals, roaming in herds across the tundra, arctic and boreal steppes, switched to accompanying these herds, and then to nomadic cattle breeding.

According to another hypothesis, pastoralism originated in the Middle East in agricultural communities and then spread to the steppes. According to the views of the founder of this hypothesis, E. Khan, farmers, in all likelihood, from sacred motives, tamed the animals of their environment and, thus, became the founders of cattle breeding. Cattle breeding soon made the population independent and made it possible to populate areas where agriculture was impossible. This theory is supported by Cote, Lattimore, Rich. Beardsley. The most controversial in this theory is the statement about the sacred grounds that prompted farmers to domesticate animals. Engels was certainly right in pointing to more realistic grounds.

Archaeological material seems to indicate a greater likelihood of E. Khan's hypothesis (in its realistic aspect). Thus, the zoologist C. Reid writes with reference to Fuhrer-Heimendorf that “although the dog appeared with the pre-agricultural hunter, the main food animals always appeared among the early farmers, and the domestication of the horse and reindeer ... occurred relatively late and had no effect on the most ancient agricultural communities and their immediate historical derivatives.

In any case, the first cattle were domesticated in agricultural and pastoral communities, which, it seems, cannot be said about small cattle, but we will return to this issue when we talk about the uneven development of human society from the beginning of the first public division labor.

The first major social division of labor - the separation of agricultural and pastoral tribes - was the transition to a new period in the history of mankind - to the period of barbarism and was of great importance. Mankind was able to move from simply appropriating the finished products of nature to the production of food. Hence the decisive significance of this event for the further development of society.

Western archaeologists, following Childe, often use his expression "Neolithic Revolution", given by analogy with the industrial revolution in England to denote the concept of the first social division of labor. Child writes: "I have always tried to insist that this 'revolution' was ... a slow, continuous process whose culmination could only be determined arbitrarily." According to Child, the Neolithic revolution must take at least many decades, perhaps many centuries.

Expanding on the concept of the "Neolithic Revolution" in Man Makes Himself, Child writes: "The first revolution that transformed the human economy gave man control over his own food supply."

The purpose of this article is to show where, when and how the first social division of labor took place and what are its primary consequences.

Engels says that the first major social division of labor was the separation from the rest of the mass of barbarians of pastoral tribes with a new economy.

Could the process of formation of agricultural and pastoral tribes take place everywhere in the human ecumene? The first necessary condition for the origin of agriculture is plants that can be cultivated, and the first necessary condition for the emergence of animal husbandry is animals that can be domesticated. And these necessary conditions were not everywhere.

Let's turn to the natural sciences.

For more than a hundred years, archeology and botanical studies of cultivated plants have entered into a very fruitful alliance when, in the late 50s of the last century, many cereals were found in Swiss pile buildings. Both sciences owe this union to O. de Geer. Plant genetics and geography are particularly important in determining the origin of agriculture; the first defines the possibilities of species evolution and the scope of possible ancestors, and the second - the scope of possible wild progenitors of plants, delineating the areas in which only cultivation could begin. Soviet plant geographers, headed by N. I. Vavilov, did a great deal to determine the centers of origin of agriculture. Their merits are recognized by the whole world. Thus, one of the greatest modern experts on the origin of cultivated plants, E. Schiemann, writes that “N. I. Vavilov’s report on the “Geographical centers of our cultivated plants” at the Congress of Geneticists in 1927 gave a huge impetus to both the general study of cultivated plants and and new thoughts on the problems of rapshenits".

The natural sciences say that the vast expanses of Central Asia, Europe, humid subtropics with the most fertile soils, occupying a third of the earth's land area, should be excluded from the field of origin of ancient agriculture. “In essence, only a narrow strip of land on the globe played a major role in the history of agriculture,” writes N. I. Vavilov. He points out that the entire world agricultural culture has developed in the seven main centers of the globe, which in themselves occupy a very limited area. But to what extent are these foci or centers independent or primary?

It seems that three completely independent centers of origin of agriculture can be distinguished.

The first center - the center of origin of wheat, rye, flax, alfalfa and many fruit trees, grapes, many garden plants - is Southwest Asian, including Inner and Eastern Anatolia, Iran, Central Asia, as well as Syria and Palestine. Cattle, sheep, goat and one kind of pig are associated with this center.

The second center is Southeast Asian: the Indochina peninsula is the birthplace of rice, a crop that feeds half of humanity, soybeans, sugar cane, cotton, mangroves. Soer and Kuhn insist on this center; they unite two centers of Vavilov, which are associated with the domestication of another type of pig - Sus vittattus.

The third independent center of the emergence of agriculture is the Central American center, which unites the southern Mexican and Peruvian centers of Vavilov. This hearth gave mankind corn, cotton, cocoa, beans, potatoes. In Peru, llamas were domesticated - alpaca, guinea pig.

The existence of such completely independent centers of origin of agriculture proves the unity of the laws governing the development of all mankind.

Agricultural culture, once formed, spreads from the centers of independent origin to the surrounding regions; secondary, non-independent foci are created. These are, for example, the Mediterranean and Abyssinian.

For the Mediterranean focus, N. I. Vavilov noted that “most of the field (and, therefore, the most ancient. - V. T.) plants in it are borrowed from other centers.” Plants that are characteristic of him and only peculiar to him - olive, fig, carob - a later phenomenon.

Now most botanists consider wild emmer to be the progenitor of cultivated tetraploid wheats. We must look for the place of its cultivation within the range of distribution of this species from Syria and Palestine to Iran and Iraq. It is most likely that its cultivation began in several places within this realm.

The Abyssinian center of origin of emmer (according to Vavilov) is very doubtful from both biological and archaeological positions as an independent and independent center of origin of agriculture. N. I. Vavilov notes that there is no archaeological evidence of the deep antiquity, the Abyssinian cultural center. We point out that there is little biological evidence. There are no wild wheats and barley in Abyssinia, and purely Abyssinian plants, teff (Eragrostis abyssinica), nougat (Guizotia abyssinica) have not gone beyond their homeland.

Since the beginning of the first social division of labor, the process of human development has become unequal. Engels points to this for the Old and New Worlds. This difference manifests itself, firstly, in the fact that centers of productive economy arise, as has already been pointed out, while the rest of mankind continues to remain at the stage of gathering.

Secondly, the unevenness of the process of human development lies in the fact that the emergence of the centers of the productive economy themselves is far from simultaneous. The oldest and most important center for the emergence of agriculture and cattle breeding is the Near East. As the most ancient, it can show us the whole process of the emergence of agriculture and animal husbandry, and therefore we will deal with it in the future.

Thirdly, the unequal development of mankind since the beginning of the first social division of labor is also reflected in the fact that in some places cattle breeding, apparently, arises earlier than agriculture. Evidence of this is occasionally found in the caves of the South Caspian Sea, in the kitchen heaps of North Africa, in the early tardenois or sovieterry of France (Couzol de Gramat, Tevyek) and ancient Khortum near Arkel, where the bones of domesticated sheep and goats are found.

The Middle East center is the center of origin of the oldest cultivated plants - wheat and barley and the oldest domestic animals - sheep, goats, cattle and pigs.

The wheat genus Turgidum is divided into three genetic groups: diploid, whose cells contain 2 groups of 7 chromosomes, tetraploid (respectively 4 groups) and hexaploid (6 groups). The diploid group consists of einkorn, the tetraploid group includes spelt (emmer), turgidum, durum wheat, and the hexaploid group includes bread soft wheat Tr. vulgare, Compactum, Spelta.

Bees of wheat, except for einkorn, are related by their origin to Tg. dicoccoides, a wild emmer distributed from Syria and Palestine to Iran and Iraq.

Hexaploid naked wheats were supposed at one time to have appeared in Central Asia, where the center of their multiplicity can be established. Their origin has been attributed to chromosomal aberration in emmer. J. Percival pointed out that the grass could be involved in hybridization with emmer to produce soft wheats. If so, then the place of origin shifts to the west, to Transcaucasia, where the ranges of the emmer and Aegilops overlap. Hexapploid wheats, according to G. Helbeck, appear sporadically from the very beginning of agriculture, but as abnormalities; only when transferred to another environment did they become highly developed. The transfer to Egypt was unsuccessful, and in the dynastic period there are no soft wheats in Egypt, but successful in Europe. Whenever a valid variant of naked wheat can be established in ancient finds with sufficient certainty, it turns out to be dwarf common wheat Tr. compactum. The oldest find is the Neolithic el-Omari in Egypt. It exists in the Chalcolithic of Asia Minor, in Harappa in India and in the Neolithic of Europe from the Danube to Switzerland. In the monuments of the Michelsberg culture, a whole group of morphologically different types was found.

The einkorn seems to be the only species that is completely independent in biological behavior. It cannot be crossed with any other wheat. The wild einkorn is distributed in one variant in the Balkans, and in another - from Asia Minor to Palestine and Iran. In the wild, it occurs together with emmer, but rarely in large quantities, often in the layers of the early Bronze Age of Troy, in Western Asia Minor.

The oldest finds are in Hama, in the fourth millennium layer, and in Jarmo, where she accompanies the emmer.

Wild barley grows from Central Asia to Morocco, and therefore it could be cultivated anywhere in this strip; but since there is not a single ancient culture based on barley alone, the conclusion is inevitable that behind wheat man took the first step towards its cultivation.

Aaronzon, who discovered the wild emmer, calls it a “plant of rocky soils”, which “avoids wide plains and steppes”, but grows “in the cracks of rocks, in places where the earth above the stone appears only in the form of a thin layer, in the driest, completely burnt places without any protection and constantly in the society of Hordeum spontaneum ".

Wild wheat grows in mid-latitudes, usually 750-900 m above sea level, preferably on dry and sunny slopes; barley - approximately at an altitude of 800 m. And only in these environmental conditions they could be cultivated.

Turning to zoology to get an answer to the question of the probable area of ​​domestication of goats, sheep, cattle and pigs, we will find ourselves in some difficulty, since many questions are not resolved here, the wild ancestors of the named animals are not always reliably known and, accordingly, the area of ​​domestication is problematic.

The closest living relative of the domestic goat or most goats is the bezoar goat Capra hircus aegagrus. But it is characterized by saber-shaped curved horns, while in domestic goats they are usually twisted. Therefore, some experts believe that the now extinct Capra prisca Adametz goat with twisted horns was the ancestor of domestic goats. Other scholars doubt its existence. In any case, the bezoar goat is found in Crete and the Cyclades and from Asia Minor to Pakistan throughout the Middle East. The goat was domesticated very early: the bones of a domestic goat were already found in Jarmo.

The wild ancestor of the domestic sheep, Ovis ammon Linne, lives in Europe only in Sardinia and Corsica; further, the area of ​​​​its distribution begins in Cyprus and Asia Minor and extends to Central Asia. Only finds of Pleistocene bones of wild sheep are known to Europe. The sheep was domesticated probably as early as the goat. But evidence of this is still very scarce, and the oldest finds have been made in Amuk.

Recently there has been much debate about the origin of domestic cattle (Bos taurus) from a long-horned or short-horned ancestor (Bos primigenius, Bos brachyceros) and the possibility that the short-horned animals were cows and the long-horned animals were bulls. It is likely that researchers are right who, like Amschler, consider Bos brachyceros to be a variety or race of one species - Bos primigenius. Evidence of the domestication of this species belongs to a relatively late period - Khalafsky.

The types of domestic pig seem to have been based on various subspecies of the wild pig of North Africa and Europe. Already from an archaeological point of view, the origin of the European domestic pig from Sur scrofa vittattus, a Southeast Asian subspecies, is assumed by some scientists to be extremely improbable. The earliest evidence of pig domestication comes from Amuk A.

So, the ancestors of the two most ancient domesticated food animals - wild sheep and goats - live mainly in Western Asia, an important fact that clearly follows from what has been said above, and the ancestors of cattle and pigs live in Western Asia.

The Near East center includes the whole area of ​​hilly flanks, mountain valleys and plains between the mountains, which surround the great irrigation system of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. All the primary settled agricultural and pastoral settlements are gathered within the natural zone of wheat and barley growth and the habitat of sheep, goats, pigs and cattle, in rather high valleys, in the foothills and between the mountains. And development had to be limited to this area until the necessary mutations and hybridizations took place so that cultivated plants could be removed from them. natural environment. According to Braidwood, the high plateaus of Anatolia and Iran were not included in the original focus of development.

These are the main provisions of the "hilly foothills theory", which now seems to be the most probable. But there is another theory called "oasis". It goes back to the early work of the famous climatologist Brooks, who postulated that new post-glacial spreads of Atlantic winds supposedly led to the drying up of North African and West Asian regions. Cultural-historical conclusions from this theory are made by archaeologists - especially Child and historians - Toynbee. According to them, humans and animals retreated to oases and river valleys, and this close coexistence was followed by domestication and cultivation. But with the growth of archaeological knowledge, the river valleys were excluded from this.

The zoologist professor Charles Reid, criticizing the oasis theory, points out that it would be biologically incorrect to expect that the trend of animals suitable for domestication was to move down to oases and river valleys with the onset of an arid climate; any such retreat would be upward, into hilly countries with ample rainfall. Further, he points out that the proponents of the oasis theory or the "crowded" theory do not take into account post-pluvial temperature and precipitation fluctuations in Africa and Southwest Asia, which had profound ecological consequences. There is no evidence of domestication during the driest time, and only when the period of higher humidity began (7000-4500 BC) did domestication begin.

Considering archaeological materials related to the first social division of labor in the ancient center of the emergence of agriculture and cattle breeding, we are convinced that they can be divided into two stages: the stage of nascent agriculture and the domestication of animals, and the stage of primary settled agricultural and pastoral settlements.

The second stage, already representing the results of the first social division of labor in the ancient center, is quite well known from the materials of the settlements that lie at the base of the tell of Western Asia; the first stage is much less known. The reason is that at the very beginning new stage the tools of the new economy for food production did not develop in stable and technologically distinctive forms. The culture of the farmers is difficult to know until they have created standardized tools that do not disappear with time for cultivating the soil, reaping or harvesting. Establishing the existence of pastoralism is very difficult in dry soils where bones rot, and within natural habitats of animals suitable for domestication. There are almost no criteria for recognizing domestication from animal bones. It is a different matter if the animal is not characteristic of the biotype in which it was found, like goats and sheep for the lowlands of the Southern Caspian, where they appear clearly already in a domesticated form.

To the stage of nascent agriculture and domestication can be attributed those complexes that include objects that indirectly indicate the nascent production of poverty - both man-made and natural. The former include sickles or sickle blades, grain graters, pestles, hand mills, etc., the latter - the remains of cereals, bones, if they (by definition of specialists) can belong to domesticated animals.

The stage of primary agricultural and pastoral settlements includes materials extracted from the bases of tells - residential hills. Naturally, when an archaeologist reaches the lower horizons, his excavation narrows to the size of a well. Hence the well-known limitations of our knowledge of these monuments. The establishment of permanent settlements and the appearance of ceramics are the main criteria for the beginning of this stage.

This stage includes such settlements as Hassuna and Matarra in Northern Mesopotamia (Neolithic and Proto-Chalcolithic), Mersin, Amuk A-V in Syria and Cilicia, Ceramic Neolithic Jericho A, Sialk I in Iran. These are clearly agricultural settlements with sickles, grain grinders, grain reserves, hoes (in Khaseun), cattle-breeding (bones of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs), with houses made of raw brick or trampled clay. All these settlements are distinguished by traces of the same cultivated plants and domesticated animals, by common architectural customs and building techniques, by a common method of making ceramics, its ornamentation, by a common type of flint and polished stone tools. Therefore, some archaeologists speak of an area of ​​common, shared tradition. These commonalities, however, do not signify a common beginning in one auspicious place; they prove only the existence of mutual connections and the rapid spread of certain achievements in the same natural and economic conditions.

Other scientists - for example, Child and Kenyon - speak of a large number of small beginnings general economy, with some of them apparently failing and dying. But even these scientists emphasize the impossibility of linking these separate branches and deriving them from one common trunk of development. The stage of primary settled agricultural and pastoral settlements in the ancient center of origin of the producing economy refers, according to radiocarbon dates, to the 6th-5th millennium BC. e.

In Palestine, materials from the Natufian and Takhunian cultures belong to the stage of nascent agriculture and pastoralism. Research by K. Kenyon in 1952-1957. in Tell es Sultan (Jericho) showed that at least part of the Natufians and Takhunians was the creator high culture, lived in vast settlements (up to 10 acres - 40 thousand square meters), surrounded by powerful walls with towers, in well-built mud-brick houses. The following layers are installed.

Phase B - Pre-Pottery Neolithic - is characterized by well built houses with large rectangular rooms, rectilinear and vertical walls and wide doors. The walls are built of brick, shaped like flattened cigars, with the tops adorned with a vertical zigzag pattern of thumbnail prints. The walls and floors are covered with a thin plaster coating, cream or pinkish in color, polished to a shine. Houses are of considerable size; they have small courtyards.

According to the flint inventory, this is the classical Neolithic of Palestine (tahunian culture). This stage has up to 26 building horizons in Jericho. The finds related to phase B are extremely interesting. 10 skulls with a face "restored" in plaster. The faces are painted, the eyes are made of shells. The find is a clear evidence of the cult of ancestors. Phase B is dated (according to Xi) 5850±160 BC. e. and 6250 BC. e.

The earlier phase A - also the pre-ceramic Neolithic - is characterized by rounded houses made of typical "plano-convex" bricks. The floors of dwellings were made below the level of the surrounding soil. The wall that protected the settlement (height - 6 m) was opened and in front of it there was a moat carved into the rock 8 m wide and 2.5 m deep. 9 m). Inside the tower was a staircase of 22 superbly finished stone steps. The wall dates back to 6770 ±210 BC. e.

Proto-Neolithic layers lay below, forming the main core of the tell, consisting of countless successively changing floors with light mounds - the remains of huts.

At the northern end of the tell, Mesolithic layers were found, according to the material corresponding to the first stage of the Natufian culture. Their dates: F-69- -9850 ±240 BC. e., F-72-9800 ±240 BC e.

Numerous finds of cereals have not yet been identified, but it has already been found out that among the bone remains there are bones of potentially domesticated animals - pigs, sheep, goats and bulls. Professor F. Zeuner found evidence of goat domestication. There were pets a cat and a dog.

For Europe, the great antiquity of the agricultural culture, in comparison with the culture of the ceramic Neolithic, was first noticed by V. Miloichich. This was first evidenced by the finds of wheat pollen in Württemberg (Federsee), the Czech Republic (Lake Kommernskoe), Austria (Lake Millstatt in Carinthia), Switzerland (Lake Burgesh), etc., dating back to the middle of the Atlantic period and even to the time of the boreal maximum.

Only in 1956, the hypothesis of a pre-ceramic agricultural Neolithic was confirmed thanks to the excavations of V. Miloichich in Thessaly, during which layers with finds of grains of cereals and bones of domestic animals were found in the deep layers of the tell near Larissa with the remains of permanent and durable buildings, with houses type of semi-dugouts and ground dwellings. Since then, a number of pre-ceramic Neolithic settlements have been found in Southeastern Europe, primarily by Theoharis in Thessaly, at Sesklo and Bercu in Romania, and some scientists doubt the Neolithic dating of the latter.

The first social division of labor, the transition to agriculture and animal husbandry, i.e., to a productive economy, led to an unprecedented growth of productive forces and, as a consequence of this, to a significant increase in the population.

The size of a community of gatherers is limited by the available supply of food, the amount of game, fish, edible roots and fruits on its territory. And no matter how hard a person tries, he cannot increase prey: any improvement in technology, an increase in the intensity of hunting and gathering leads to a progressive extermination of game, to a decrease in its quantity. Under the new economy, enormous opportunities arose for increasing the amount of food; you just need to sow more and cultivate the land more in order to get a larger supply of food.

The appropriating economy is characterized by very low population density (for example, among the natives North America normal population density - from 0.05 to 0.1 per 1 sq. km. mile). A manufacturing economy increases population density. On the islands of the Pacific Ocean in Neolithic societies, the population density reached 30 people or more per 1 sq. km. mile, although here the amount of land is limited.

Population growth was reflected not so much in the expansion of settlements as in an increase in their number. After all, in the absence of means of transporting products, the settlements had to be located near the fields, half of which, moreover, lay under fallow. Therefore, the population in one place was limited to a certain number (300-400 people), and its excess forced the creation of a new settlement.

The development of alluvial valleys begins very early, which a person could populate only by mastering agriculture. “Agriculture was not an “invention” of the people living next to one of the great rivers - the Nile, the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Indus. No one would descend into the drying marshy country of Southern Mesopotamia to practice farming while he was not at the hall, what it is like. Only after that he could learn the possibilities of the delta. The movement of early farmers down into the clayey lowlands of the Tigris and Euphrates, into southern Mesopotamia, is dated to the end of the Hassun phase or early Khalaf. At the end of the Khalaf period, Lower Mesopotamia was already inhabited by the bearers of the Eridu culture, but they were not the first population there. Numerous finds of microliths (earlier known and made recently) indicate the existence of an earlier culture here, probably collectors.

The advancement of cultivated plants down into alluvial valleys with completely different natural conditions (soil, rainfall, etc.), with the need for artificial irrigation, had a huge impact on these plants, shook their heredity and served as an impetus for a number of mutations. It is likely that this abrupt change in ecology gave rise to varieties, among which were stable and more adapted to new conditions. G. Helbeck believes that in this way a six-row barley arose from a two-row cultivated barley, which he discovered in Jarmo.

More recently, evidence has been obtained of another way of settlement - along the southern coast of Anatolia, where the most ancient painted ceramics and more ancient unpainted ceramics of the Neolithic type from Mersina were discovered during exploration. Excavations in Hadjilar by J. Mellaart make it possible to connect the ancient culture of painted ceramics of the Sesklo type in Greece with the Persian painted ceramics.

The third way of settlement is much less known - through Cyrenaica along the northern coast of Africa to Tangier. But, apparently, this is evidenced by the results of excavations of the Haua Fteah cave in Cyrenaica and the cave in Tangier.

“Farmers who grew traditional cereals and herded traditional animals crossed the Egyptian valley to populate the fertile valleys and plains of North Africa,” writes the famous anthropologist K. Kuhn, who took part in the excavations of a cave in Tangier in 1947. This, of course, is not all possible ways of settlement are exhausted, but in the above-named, the process manifested itself, perhaps, most clearly and clearly.

The resettlement itself is far from being a simple migration. This is a complex process that has only recently begun to be more or less defined in the eyes of archaeologists, thanks to new discoveries that have filled significant gaps in knowledge.

From the very beginning, this process is influenced, on the one hand, by separating factors (peripherization and localization), and on the other, by unifying factors (common tradition and diffusion). But the former immediately gain an advantage, and as a result, the disintegration of the settling culture into local groups; the later the step, the more such groups arise. Initially, these groups do not have sharp boundaries, the features of one gradually increase, the features of the other gradually decrease. But the further they diverge, the more they become isolated, the sharper the boundaries become. New, almost independent, independent centers are being formed.

Thus, very early, the Mediterranean becomes the center of Impresso ceramics, a secondary center genetically linked, most likely, with the Syrian-Cilician Neolithic. Indeed, in the culture of Stentinello, Molfetta, the Ibero-Mauritanian Neolithic, in the caves of Catalonia and Valencia, in Otsaki-Magula in Greece, in the Red and Green caves in Montenegro and Herzegovina, characteristic ceramics of this type were found.

The Balkan Peninsula becomes the center of the most ancient culture of painted ceramics: Sesklo in Greece, Starchevo in Serbia, Kremikovtsy and Karanovo I in Bulgaria, Glavaneshty in Romania - these are the names of individual local cultures belonging to this center, which is probably genetically related to Amuk V - Mersin. In the materials of this circle of cultures we find emmer and einkorn. The existence of this center is the 5th millennium BC. e.

Undoubtedly, the Keresh culture is genetically related to the two centers mentioned above, and the Sesklo-Starchevo-Keresh center became the genetic ancestor of the Linear-band ceramics culture. With this culture, a new, productive economy spread over the vast expanses of Central Europe - from the Rhine in the west to the Upper Dnieper in the east. The time of its existence according to Xi is the second half of the 5th millennium and the turn of the 5th and 4th millennia BC. e.

Only later (during the time of the second Danubian culture) did the Lendel culture or its offshoots in Bohemia and Moravia (Moravian painted and unpainted ceramics) give rise to the formation of the first northern agricultural and pastoral culture - the culture of funnel-shaped goblets, bringing a new form of economy to the shores of the Baltic Sea, emmer , einkorn, dwarf soft wheat, naked barley, i.e., the most ancient cereals cultivated in the most ancient center of the origin of agriculture, which have come so far from their original homeland and have changed their ecology so much that the plants of the foothills of the Middle East have become plants of the plains Northern Europe. This happened at the beginning of the Subboreal period or around the middle of the 4th millennium BC. e. by Xi.

The spread of new, progressive methods of the economy is not necessarily associated with resettlement; it could also be carried out through influence from farmers, pastoralists and through borrowing from collectors. This is how it always spread when tribes at different stages of development lived side by side.

A classic and clear example is the adoption by the population that left the Ertebelle culture of cereals and domestic animals. S. Becker, a well-known Danish archaeologist, notes that the Ertebelle culture, retaining the character of a hunting culture for several centuries, acquires polished tools, cultivated cereals, domestic animals and ceramics.

The first social division of labor made regular exchange possible. Firstly, the agricultural and pastoral tribes produced means of subsistence qualitatively different from those of the gathering tribes, and, secondly, they could produce more of these means than they needed to sustain life. This surplus was still small, but already its existence was of great importance.

The earliest commodity in the Middle East was obsidian. He was already met in Jarmo. According to the technological properties of obsidian, it can be established that it was distributed from several centers.

Each group of simple producers was economically independent of any neighbors and theoretically could exist in complete isolation. However, total isolation was never realistic. The exchange was carried out both between neighboring tribes and in stages. At the Neolithic settlement near Fayum Lake, there are shells from Red and mediterranean seas. In Neolithic Europe, excellent evidence of exchange is the shell bracelets of Spondylus Gaederopus in Southeast and Central Europe, distributed mainly along the great Danube route. Treasure finds make us think that there was an exchange of ready-made jewelry.

Tribes - carriers of the culture of funnel-shaped cups developed amber deposits. Treasures containing up to 13,000 amber beads have been found in different places.

Even G. Kossina pointed to a wide area of ​​distribution of tools from striped Galician flint. Tools made from flint mined in Southern Denmark are common as far as Northern Sweden.

Polish scientists have mapped the distribution of flint from Krzemenok Opatowski.

Engels' work showed that the first social division of labor created the conditions necessary for the second major social division of labor, for the separation of handicrafts from agriculture. Each member of society now began to produce more products than was necessary to maintain its existence. This surplus made it possible for specialists to stand out, who could engage exclusively in their craft and not participate in the joint procurement of food by other members of society. “With the division of production into two large main branches, agriculture and handicraft, there arises production directly for exchange, - commodity production, and with it, trade not only within the tribe and on its borders, but already overseas, ”wrote Engels.

Only then, after the second social division, at the highest level of barbarism, does the city arise as a qualitatively different category. A city is not defined by the size of the place it occupies, nor by the number of its population, nor by its fortifications. Many Neolithic and medieval villages in Europe and Asia had walls, but this did not make them cities. The city is characterized by a completely different population than in the countryside. The main element in it is not farmers, fishermen and hunters, but professional rulers, officials, clergy, artisans and merchants who do not get their own food, but live on food obtained for them by tillers and pastoralists, mainly outside the city. “There is no attested example of a community of savages being civilized, adopting urban life, or inventing writing. Wherever cities were built, villages of preliterate peasants existed before. Thus civilization, wherever and whenever it arose, followed barbarism. These words were written by Child in 1950 in the article "Urban Revolution". 3-4 years after that, fortified settlements were opened, declared a city, and their culture - a civilization, and these cities and their civilization turned out to be supposedly created by savages.

Meanwhile, from all that has been said above, it is clear that we, together with K. Kenyon and M. Wheeler, cannot consider the settlements of prehistoric Jericho A and B as a city and even a nascent city, and the culture of their inhabitants as a civilization. Such statements lead to the denial of the laws of social development. It is not for nothing that such prominent archaeologists as Braidwood, Child and Woolley spoke out so sharply against them. "Civilization emerged as a particular enhancement of cultural activity, made possible by efficient food production."

The city as such begins to take shape in the Ubeid culture and appears vividly in the proto-literary period ca. 3400 BC e. At this time, the potter's wheel was already in use. Vehicles appeared (on wheels), special crafts abounded. Here we are already at the turn of civilization and we see such signs of it as the potter's wheel, the preparation of vegetable oil and wine, the developed processing of metals, turning into artistic craft; wagons and war chariots, writing, the beginnings of architecture as an art, and a city with battlements and towers are already known here, that is, all those signs that Engels considers characteristic of this period.

1. V. I. Levin. Writings, 4th ed. v. 29 p. 436.
2. V. I. Lenin. There.
3. F. Engels. The origin of the family, private property and the state. 1952, p. 20.
4. There.
5. "Paideuma", VII, 2, November, 1959, p. 84.
6. F. Engels. Decree. cit., p. 26.
7. K. M. Kenyon. Jericho and its setting in Near Eastern history. "Antiquity", No. 120, 1956; her own. Earliest Jericho. "Antiquity", No. 129, 1959; her own. Some observations on the beginnings of settlement in the-Near East. JRAJ, v. 89, part 1, 4959; ee. Digging of Jericho. London, 1957 and preliminary excavation reports annually from 1952 to 1957 in the Palestine Exploration Quarterly.
8. R.a. L. braidwood. Jarmo. A village of early farmers in Iraq. "Antiquity", No. 96, 1950; R. J. Bhaidwood. From cave to village in Prehistoric Iraq. BASOR, No. 124, 1951; his own. The Iraq-Jarmo project of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Season 1954-1955, Summer", X, N 2, 1954; his own. Near Eastern prehistory. Science, v. 127, N 3312, 1958. Already at the time of printing the work, the final report on the excavations was published: R. J. Bgaidwood. A. Vg. howe. Prehistoric investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. N 31, Chicago, 1960.
9. H. I. Vavilov. The problem of the origin of world agriculture in the light of contemporary research. M.-L., 1932. Below, when describing the "centers" of agriculture and cattle breeding, we stick to the historical-geographical regions, without defining them by the modern political-administrative division.
10. N. I. VAVILOV Decree. cit., p. 9.
11. For the secondary character of the Abyssinian center, see E. Schiemann. Entstehung der Kulturpflanzen. "Ergebnisse der Biologie", XIX, Berlin, 1943, pp. 521-522.
12. N. Pohlhausen. Jager, Hirten und Bauern in der aralo-kaspischen Mittelsteinzeit, 35 BRGK, 1954, Berlin, 1956, p.
13. J. Parcival. The wheat plant. London, 1921.
14. H. Helbaek. Archeology and agricultural botany. Ninth Annual Report of the Institute of Archeology, London, 1953, pp. 44-58; his own. Domestication of food plants in the Old World. Science, v. 130, No. 3378, 1959, pp. 359-372; his own. How farming began in the Old World. "Archaeology", v. 12, No. 3, 1959; e g o f e. Die Palaoeth- nobotanik des Nahen Ostens und Europas. Opuscula Ethnologica Memoriae Ludovici Biro sacra. Budapest, 1959, pp. 265-289.
15. H. Helbaek. Ecological effect of irrigation in Ancient Mesopotamia. "Iraq", XXII, "Ur in Retrospect", 1960, pp. 187-195.
16. Provisionally published in AS, VIII, 1958; IX, i1959; X, 1960; XI, 1961.
17. C. Coon. The story of man. Nem York, 1954, p. 146.
18. Wed E. F. Neustupny. Zur Entstehung der Kultur mit Kannelierter Keramik. "Slovenska Archeologia", VI1-2, 1959, p. 260.
19. Vrshnik - culture Starčevo III (?), settlement near Shtip: according to the Heidelberg laboratory -4915 ± 150 BC e. Gornja Tuzla, Tuzla Okrug - Starčevo culture III: Gro-2059-4449±75 years BC. e. (N. Quitta. Zur Frage der alteren Bandkeramik in Mitteleuropa. PZ, XXXVII, 1960). The dating of the Linear Pottery culture is proved by a number of dates, including - Westerregeln, Stasfurt district: Gro-223-4250 ± 200 BC. e., and the date of the transition from Vinci A to Vinci B, corresponding to the transition from the Keresh culture to the early Vinci culture, in which the first imported, linear-ribbon sherds appear, is 4010 ± 85 years BC. e. Wed N. T. Waterboik. The 1959 Carbon-14 Symposium at Groningen. "Antiquity", XXXIV, No. 133, I960, p. 15 "fol.
20. R. J. Bhaidwood. Jericho and its setting…, pp. 73-80.
21. V. G. Childe. Civilization, cities and towns. Antiquity, No. 12-1, 1957, pp. 34-38.
22. L. Woolley. The first towns? "Antiquity", JVTa 120, 1956, pp. 224, 225.
23. R. J. Braidwood. Near Eastern prehistory, p. 1419.
24. F. Engels. Decree. cit., p. 25.