What does CPRF mean. Reasoning why the Communist Party is not a communist party
Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.
THE CONSIGNMENT is a political public organization that fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party is an organization of like-minded people representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and aiming to implement them by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and in the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.
There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to one ideological doctrine (B. Konstan.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).
Other approaches to the definition of parties: a party is the bearer of an ideology; a party is a long association of people; the purpose of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to enlist the support of the people.
Functions of political parties
Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:
· representation - expression of interests of certain groups of the population;
socialization - involvement of a part of the population in the number of its members and supporters;
· ideological function - the development of an attractive political platform for a certain part of society;
participation in the struggle for power - the selection, promotion of political personnel and the provision of conditions for their activities;
· participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.
In modern political history, there are types of party systems: bourgeois democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; legal opposition constantly exists; there is agreement among the parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.
IN bourgeois system formed many types of party coalitions : multi-party coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - not one of the two main parties collects an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-block coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; dominance coalition - one party exercises power independently for a long period; cooperative coalition - the most powerful parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.
socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with the crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.
authoritarian party system this type of government is intermediate, while the dominant factor is the state, and not the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.
This classification experience is based precisely on what the parties say, as opposed to what they actually do. In the world of modern Russian politics, nothing is called by its proper name: the political views that the parties declare do not correspond to their names, the actions of the parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves do not say anything about the interests of those who demonstrate them.
CPRF
Communist Party of the Russian Federation (01.05.2009)
According to the program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, stands for genuine democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational of the state, is the party of patriots, internationalists, the party of friendship of peoples, upholding communist ideals, defending the interests of the working class, the peasantry, the intelligentsia, and all working people.
A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - "catholicity and sovereignty, deep faith, indestructible altruism and a resolute rejection of the mercantile lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise", "Russian question".
The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.
Party structure
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of the program and charter. The party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the federal law "On Public Associations" and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment of state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with its statutory goals throughout the entire territory of the Russian Federation.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the communist parties in Russia.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the II Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The CP RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”, and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169, the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by the Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9-P dated November 30, 1992.
In August 1996, the secretary of the Central Committee of the RKRP, V. Tyulkin, sent an open letter to Zyuganov, in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest
actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today's political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word "communist" from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some formulations are successful.The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common with the communist ideology now and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the ruling party.
I must say that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - in early 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and an asset of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but she kept more or less face both in front of the government and (less) in front of the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the president's actions. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming petty satellites of the party in power, the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The Liberal Democratic Party was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position in order not to give rise to a breakdown.
Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was notable for swinging from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, "looking after" the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially pronounced between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).
Positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma in 1995-1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property "in one bottle" possible. Now it only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain public property. But "it can be transferred to public, farm and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inherited and leased possession and use. Only homestead and summer cottage plots of land can be transferred to private ownership."
After the transfer of power to a government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that the "economy develops" ("... Being followers of Ilyich, ... we stand for a multistructural economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is going to somehow "to establish self-management and control of labor collectives over production and distribution" under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan "great power, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice." While advocating for the observance of rights and freedoms and the restriction of the president's powers by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, advocates "restoring order and tough actions in Chechnya (by renouncing the notorious right of nations to self-determination).
Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social-democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby for the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - residents of small towns and rural areas, mostly pensioners and young people who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, "the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the least susceptible to PR manipulations, since they do not vote for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name "communist party." , namely, their votes determined the results, for example, of the second round of the presidential elections in 1996. In the regional elections of 1996, 14 governors nominated by the NPSR passed, but this victory was achieved at the expense of the regions traditionally voting for the "left."
The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its pre-election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. There are fewer and fewer people who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist”.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has no popular leaders on a regional scale. Some business executives from the Communist Party moved to the right within the ruling party, for example, Luzhkov's right hand V. Shantsev.
The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among the supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will "leave" to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will go over to the extreme left (the party of Tyulkin, etc.). Thus, in the 2007 elections, the leadership should expect an even lower result.
The process of enlargement of various associations caused by the Law "On Political Parties" can finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to the multi-party system among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the existing communist associations of the CPSU (b), the RCP-CPSU and the RCWP would in no way be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties will be put by the amendments to the Law "On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights", developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August.
The party press is the Pravda newspaper, more than 30 regional publications, the internal Bulletin of Organizational-Party and Personnel Work. Previously, the weekly Pravda Rossii and the magazine Political Education were published, and Radio Resonance was friendly.
The largest friendly newspaper is "Soviet Russia", until 2004 the newspaper "Zavtra" was friendly. In the most popular print media, on TV and the main radio stations, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been sparingly represented since its foundation, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B.N. The Communist Party joins annually 10-15 thousand young people).
Finances of the Communist Party
According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, submitted to the CEC, in 2006 the party received in the form of funds for the implementation of statutory activities: 127,453,237 rubles. Of them:
29% - came from membership fees
30% - federal budget funds
6% - donations
35% - other income
In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:
21% - for promotional activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)
7% - preparation and holding of elections and a referendum
Biography of the leader
Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher's family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the elementary grades of the Mymrinskaya school.
After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsk secondary school of the Khotynets district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked as a teacher there for a year. In 1962 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, from which he graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in the Soviet army in the radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently a reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at the university. At the same time he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he was engaged in Komsomol work, worked in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.
After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77 years. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, completed postgraduate studies with it as an external student. In 1980 he defended his PhD thesis.
In 1983-1989 Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the Central Committee of the CPSU as an instructor, head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Delegate of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Constituent Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).
After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the permanent Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
In July 1991, together with a number of well-known state, political and public figures, he signed the appeal “Word to the people”. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate for the election of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to his lack of experience in parliamentary work.
In December 1991, he was co-opted to the coordinating council of the Russian People's Union. Then he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st Council (Congress) of the Russian National Cathedral (RNS), became a member of the Presidium of the Cathedral.
In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (FNS). At the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - chairman of the Central Executive Committee.
On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin's speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, spoke at rallies. On October 3, he spoke on the air of the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, urging the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
December 12, 1993 was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.
In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the "Consent in the name of Russia" movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.
On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. June 16, 1996 presidential elections were held. Gennady Zyuganov's candidacy was supported by 31.96 percent of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov's candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordinating council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party.
In 2000, in the presidential elections in Russia, he received 29.21% of the vote. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the UCP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.
In 2003 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.
Zyuganov missed the 2004 presidential elections, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, finishing second after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).
Author of a series of monographs. He defended his doctoral thesis in philosophy on the topic "Main trends and the mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia." In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001, he has been the head of the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
CONCLUSION
During the first few years of the new millennium, Russia managed to make significant progress along the path of forming a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 1990s, but the party system is still in its infancy.
The parties are constantly developing, they are conducting a political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on state structures and to nominate their representatives to power structures.
The formation of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from the civilized framework dreamed of by connoisseurs and zealots of Western democracy. Most often it happens that parties appear, register, sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main misfortune of many groupings that claim the right to be called parties.
But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simple political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.
LITERATURE
1. Reshetnev, S.A. To the question of the classification of political parties in Russia [text] / S.A. Reshetnev // Businessman power. - 2004. - No. 3. - S. 2-4
3. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4
4. Dugin A. Left project // Rossiyskaya Gazeta. - 2003. - March 26.5. Sumbatyan Yu. G. Political regimes in the modern world: a comparative analysis. Teaching aid. - M., 1999.
Russian political party
All-Russian political party founded in 1993. He is the "ideological successor" of the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Since its inception, it has criticized the current government and positions itself as an opposition. The leader of the party since 1993 is Gennady Zyuganov.
Founding of the Communist Party
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) was founded in 1993. Members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation considered their organization as the successor to the Communist Party of the RSFSR (KP RSFSR as part of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, CPSU), the founding congress of which was held in June 1990,. The first secretaries of the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the RSFSR were first Ivan Polozkov (because of this, the press sometimes called it "Polozkov's party"), and then, from the beginning of August 1991, Valentin Kuptsov was elected to this post,,. One of the secretaries, as well as a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, was Gennady Zyuganov (in 1991 he also acted as one of the candidates for the post of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but was not elected). However, the Communist Party of the RSFSR did not last long: after the attempt of the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) in August 1991 to carry out a coup d'état, its activities, like the activities of the CPSU, were suspended and then banned,,. The property that was at the disposal or use of the CPSU was transferred to the state.
The program statement of the party and its charter were adopted at the congress. In it, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was proclaimed the successor to the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the CPSU, factions, platforms and dual membership were banned in the party,. "The most massive of the currently existing" parties in Russia was born, which united all the well-known communist leaders of the country, the media noted at that time: the number of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was then estimated at 500 thousand people,.
At the same congress in 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation adopted a resolution "On the property of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation", according to which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was recognized as "the authorized successor of the property of the CPSU on the territory of Russia",,. Subsequently, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation repeatedly filed a lawsuit, trying to return the properties that previously belonged to the Communist Party. However, legally obtaining this property was not easy: according to the decision of the Constitutional Court in 1992, the property of the CPSU (or the property that the CPSU was using at the time of the ban, whose owner was unknown) was returned to the party, while state property remained with the state. However, the same court decision confirmed the legality of the dissolution of the leading organizational structures of the Communist Party, and "no one was recognized as the legal successor of the CPSU." Accordingly, there was "no one to file claims for the return of property of the Communist Party and no one to answer for these claims",,. Anatoly Sobchak, in his book Once Upon a Time There Was a Communist Party, also pointed out that "in fact" there was nothing to return: in August 1991, "resourceful party functionaries created many fictitious structures, to which they hastened to transfer the property and money of the party." The finances of the CPSU also "surfaced in the form of new commercial banks and other structures" after the collapse of the communist system. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 2008 argued that "no court decision on the "party money" has ever been made."
On March 23, 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received registration from the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation,. Analysts also drew attention to the fact that the "communist multi-party system" in the country remained, despite the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, "thanks to the reliance on the old nomenklatura cadres, who occupied firm positions" in the economy, as well as in regional and local authorities, quickly occupied " dominant position on the left flank".
Communist Party in the 1990s
In September-October 1993, a political crisis broke out in the country, expressed in an armed confrontation between the two branches of power - the legislative and the executive. On September 21, 1993, President Boris Yeltsin signed a decree dissolving the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and scheduled elections for a new representative body of power, the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, for December 12, 1993. A few days later, he issued decrees on the holding of early presidential elections on June 12, 1994, as well as on the appointment of a referendum on December 12 on the adoption of a new constitution. The actions of the head of state aroused resistance from the parliamentarians, who on September 23, 1993, declaring Yeltsin's presidential powers terminated, entrusted the performance of the duties of the President of the Russian Federation to Vice President Alexander Rutskoi,,. The confrontation, in the end, led to the shooting of the building of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and the armed seizure of the White House. In this situation, the leader of the Communist Party, unlike ordinary party activists, behaved cautiously and, in a speech on television, called on his comrades-in-arms to exclusively peaceful resistance,. The position of the party leadership, as well as the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, unlike other left-wing parties, refused to boycott the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation, further gave the press a reason to reproach the Zyuganov-led party that it "helped legalize the new" super-presidential "model power", .
As a result of voting on December 12, 1993, the Communist Party received 12.4 percent of the vote and, accordingly, 32 seats under the proportional system. In single-mandate constituencies, 10 more candidates from the Communist Party won, and 13 party members were elected to the Federation Council,,,. Zyuganov became the chairman of the Communist Party faction in the State Duma, and Ivan Rybkin, a member of the Duma agrarian faction, who served as leader of the Communists of Russia faction in the former Russian parliament, was elected speaker of the lower house.
In the future, the Communist Party continued to actively criticize the activities of the authorities. After the communist Valentin Kovalev was appointed Minister of Justice of the Russian Federation in the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin, the Communist Party faction in the State Duma in January 1995, announcing this appointment as an attempt "to discredit the firm and consistent policy of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in relation to the ruling regime", expelled Kovalev from its membership : according to the leaders of the faction, there could be no "talk about the participation of the Communists in the government, guilty of the destruction of our great country", , , .
On January 21-22, 1995, the third congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place, at which a management system was formed, which remained in the party for many years. The Central Committee (CC) of 139 members and 25 candidates, its presidium (19 people) and secretariat (5 people) appeared in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation,,. Zyuganov was elected Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Kuptsov was his first deputy, Alexander Shabanov was his other deputy. To control party activities, a Central Control and Audit Commission of 40 people was introduced,. The third congress also adopted a new program and charter of the party. As noted in the press, the amendments to the charter approved by the congress, including the proposed "measures to strengthen the principle of democratic centralism", a ban on factionalism and dual membership, responsibility to the leadership of the Communist Party of the Communist Party, elected to parliament on party lists, etc., were designed to "change face of the party, "but instead," they only made the already familiar features more distinct" (meaning provisions similar to a number of provisions of the CPSU charter - ed.), .
In August 1995, the "first three" of the Communist Party was approved in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation: Zyuganov, non-partisan head of the legislative assembly of the Kemerovo region Aman Tuleev and member of the presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Svetlana Goryacheva,,. On December 17, the elections of deputies to the State Duma took place, the Communists took first place in them, receiving 22.3 percent of the vote. The candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won in 58 single-member constituencies,,,. In addition to the deputies from the Communist Party itself, 23 candidates from among independents, members of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR) and nominees of the Power to the People bloc (leaders - Nikolai Ryzhkov, Sergei Baburin and others), whom the Communist Party officially supported during the election campaign campaigns, . The Communist Party nominated Secretary of the Central Committee Gennady Seleznev for the post of chairman of the State Duma, and he won after three rounds of voting,,. Goryacheva became Deputy Speaker of the State Duma. Party representatives headed nine committees of the State Duma: on security (Viktor Ilyukhin); in Economics (Yuri Maslyukov); on Federation Affairs and Regional Policy (Leonid Ivanchenko); on legislation and judicial and legal reform (Anatoly Lukyanov); in education and science (Ivan Melnikov); Tourism and Sports (Alexander Sokolov); for Women, Family and Youth Affairs (Alevtina Aparina); Veterans Affairs (Valentin Varennikov); on Affairs of Public Associations and Religious Organizations (Victor Zorkaltsev), . Zyuganov was elected the leader of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Kuptsov also became his deputy in the faction (as Profil magazine noted, at that time Kuptsov was "financing the party by representatives of big capital").
After Zyuganov's defeat, the leaders of the parties and movements that supported him in the elections decided in July 1996 to unite, creating the all-Russian public movement "People's Patriotic Union of Russia" (NPSR). In addition to the Communist Party, it included the Agrarian Party of Russia, as well as a number of other movements, in total - "a few dozen." In the press at that time, the reason for the emergence of the NPSR was the desire of the communists to "change their image." It was not ruled out that "Zyuganov will have to leave the political proscenium." However, this did not happen - he became chairman of the coordinating council of the NPSR, and Nikolai Ryzhkov was elected chairman of the executive committee. The NPSR was also ruled by five co-chairs - Aman Tuleev, Stanislav Govorukhin, Alexander Rutskoi (People's Patriotic Movement "Derzhava"), Mikhail Lapshin (Agrarian Party of Russia) and Alexei Podberezkin (All-Russian Social and Political Movement "Spiritual Heritage"), , , , , .
In the gubernatorial elections of 1996-1997, which were held in 62 regions of the country, candidates from the Communist Party and the NPSR won in 26 regions. In particular, Vasily Starodubtsev became the governor of the Tula region, and Nikolai Kondratenko headed the Krasnodar region. In five more regions, the Communist Party supported the current governors, who won,,. Subsequently, political scientists talked about the formation in the 1990s of the so-called "red belt" - a number of regions of the country, where citizens showed steady support for the communists, not only in gubernatorial elections, but also in elections to local legislative bodies,,,,,.
After the default of August 1998, Yeltsin wanted to appoint Viktor Chernomyrdin to the place of the dismissed Prime Minister Sergei Kiriyenko, but the opposition factions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and the Yabloko party in the State Duma voted twice against this appointment,. Then the president nominated Yevgeny Primakov for the post of prime minister - as reported in the press, the only figure against whom the leaders of the "left" had no serious arguments. On September 11, the State Duma approved him for the first time in a new position, and members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Yuri Maslyukov and Gennady Khodyrev took the posts of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Antimonopoly Policy and Entrepreneurship Support in his government, respectively,,,. The magazine "Profile" at that time wrote about the alleged "left" of the executive branch.
In May 1999, State Duma deputies attempted to impeach President Yeltsin. According to media reports, the initiators of this action were the communists Viktor Ilyukhin and Lev Rokhlin, with the support of Zyuganov,. However, the Communist Party suffered a double defeat. A few days before the vote, the president dismissed the Primakov government,,, and then the impeachment failed, since none of the five points of accusation of the head of state scored the necessary 300 votes in parliament,.
Before the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation in December 1999, the Communist Party planned to gather all its allies into one coalition, but "everyone quarreled." As a result, in addition to the communists, only a part of the Agrarian Party, headed by Nikolai Kharitonov, joined the "widely publicized" bloc "For Victory", which was headed by Zyuganov,,,. As a result, the bloc was never formed, but its allies were included in the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Tuleev, Kharitonov, economist Sergei Glazyev. The first three positions on the federal list of the Communist Party were taken by Zyuganov, Seleznev and Starodubtsev,,.
On December 19, 1999, elections to the State Duma of the third convocation were held. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (its campaign headquarters was headed by Kuptsov) received the highest result in the country - 24.29 percent of the vote, but the pro-government Unity lost only one percent to the communists. Another 46 deputies from the Communist Party received seats in parliament based on the results of voting in single-mandate constituencies. Despite the high percentage result, the representation of the Communists in the Duma was reduced, and as a result, the "left-patriotic forces" lost the "blocking package", , , , , . There were 95 deputies in the registered Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and 23 more official nominees of the party entered the Agro-Industrial Deputy Group. Gennady Seleznev was again elected Chairman of the State Duma, representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also headed nine committees.
In the 1990s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation held many rallies, strikes and demonstrations. The press at that time wrote a lot about the all-Russian protest action on October 7, 1998, which was carried out by communists and trade union workers, demanding the resignation of President Boris Yeltsin and a change in government policy. The organizers of the strike claimed that about 12 million people took part in it, but the authorities did not confirm these data,,.
Communist Party in the 2000s
In the presidential elections in 2000, the Communist Party was again represented by Gennady Zyuganov. His main opponent was Vladimir Putin, who, after Yeltsin's resignation at the end of December 1999, became the acting president of the country. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, Zyuganov's program included a virtual return to the "Soviet model of the economy": he proposed transferring natural resources to the use of the state, and dividing the income from their exploitation among citizens. In addition, Zyuganov, in case of victory, intended to return the state monopoly on the production and sale of wine, vodka and tobacco products, the income from which was to become the main source of replenishment of the budget. Zyuganov also planned political reform - he was going to amend the constitution in order to form a parliamentary majority government. Putin, the media noted, did not have a political platform as such: the country's leadership tried to impose on the voter the idea that there was no alternative to Putin,. On March 26, 2000, the presidential elections in Russia were held, as a result of which Zyuganov received 29.24 percent of the vote, taking second place. Vladimir Putin became president with 52.90 percent of the vote,,. Despite the loss of the Communist leader, the results of the vote, according to analysts, confirmed his personal political stability and stable authority with the protest electorate.
In 2002, the head of the headquarters of the election campaign of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was replaced - instead of Kuptsov, he became Ivan Melnikov,. In the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the list of the Communist Party was headed by Zyuganov, Kondratenko and Kharitonov. It was further noted that the elections to the lower house of parliament, held on December 7, 2003, became a failure for the Communist Party: according to the official results of the vote, the United Russia party received the majority of votes - 37.56 percent, while 12 were given for the communists. .61 percent of the votes , , . In single-member districts, 12 candidates from the Communist Party passed to the deputies,. The Communists, who conducted an alternative vote count with the help of their observers at various polling stations, accused the Central Election Commission of massive fraud. At the same time, the results of an alternative poll organized by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the website Fairplay.ru ("Fair Play") testified that "the main victims of the 'administrative resource' were not so much the communists themselves, but the right-wing parties." The conflict did not receive further development,,.
In the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the communists received 52 seats,. In January 2004, when positions were distributed within the chamber, all committees in the State Duma, without exception, were headed by representatives of United Russia. However, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation got the place of vice speaker - it was taken by Kuptsov,,.
Until the early 2000s, the successful performance of candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the gubernatorial elections continued. So, in the press, the election in 2001 of the Nizhny Novgorod governor Gennady Khodyrev, the former first secretary of the Gorky regional committee of the CPSU, was called the undoubted success of the communists. However, later the press noted that already at that time the disintegration of the "red belt" began - in the conditions of "the centralization of power and tax revenues that has developed in Putin's Russia" it became inevitable. In particular, political scientists noted that in the 2003 parliamentary elections, many communist governors, "being under pressure from the federal government, ... did not interfere, but in some cases simply helped" United Russia candidates, as they sought to secure re-election for the next term.
In 2003-2004, the press wrote about another conflict within the Communist Party. In the spring of 2003, some media reported that the chairman of the executive committee of the NPSR, Semigin, “with the help of generous financial injections” into local and regional branches of the NPSR, began to lure the leaders of local organizations of the Communist Party to his side. The opinion was also expressed that his activities to split the party were beneficial to the Kremlin,,. In December 2003, at the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Semigin's supporters tried to nominate him for the post of candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation in the upcoming elections. However, the majority of the participants in the party congress supported the candidacy of Kharitonov, whose nomination was initiated by Zyuganov,. On January 26, 2004, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation demanded that the communists leave the NPSR, and the central control and revision commission recommended that Semigin be expelled from the party,. On March 14, 2004, the presidential elections in Russia took place. They were won by the incumbent President Putin, who received 71.31 percent of the vote, and Kharitonov came in second with 13.69 percent of the vote,,.
After the elections, in May 2004, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to fight Semigin's supporters. The latter "for splitting activity" (formally - for violating the charter) was officially expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and from among the members of the party faction in the State Duma of the fourth convocation,,,. On July 1, 2004, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed by Zyuganov, on the one hand, and some supporters of Semigin from the same Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, on the other hand, held two alternative party congresses, and the organizers of each of them called their meeting legitimate. At the second, "Semiginsk" congress, Ivanovo governor Vladimir Tikhonov was elected chairman of the party instead of Zyuganov,,,,. The plenum of Zyuganov's supporters, in turn, unanimously removed from their posts the secretaries of the Central Committee who took part in the "pro-Semiginsk" plenum. Kommersant noted in July 2004 that the events that had taken place demonstrated a "real split" in the party, and that even if two communist parties were created, none of them "will ever be the Communist Party that won the elections in the mid-90s in State Duma and almost defeated Boris Yeltsin in 1996.
In August of the same year, the Ministry of Justice declared the congress of "Tikhonovites" illegal, revealing "facts of falsification of the number of its delegates." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself noted that the fight against the "Semiginism" and "attempts by the authorities to strangle the party" led to the fact that "if at the beginning of the work of the Duma of the fourth convocation there were 52 deputies in the Communist Party faction, then by the end of the term 46 people remained in its ranks" . In October 2004, Semigin created the Patriots of Russia public movement, which included some of his supporters who left the Communist Party. In April 2005, on the basis of the movement, a party of the same name was created (registered in July 2005),.
In October 2005, the XI Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, at which a new version of the party's charter was adopted (it was brought into line with the new electoral legislation). In addition, the rules appeared in the charter that were supposed to strengthen the party, including the withdrawal of a deputy mandate for leaving the faction and reinstatement in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation only a year after being expelled from the party. A lot of attention in the charter was given to youth: primary organizations were allowed to create youth sections that unite members of the Communist Party under the age of 30; it was emphasized that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation cooperates with the Union of Communist Youth of the Russian Federation (in 2011 it was renamed the Lenin Communist Youth Union, Komsomol),,.
Political scientists noted that in the 2000s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to "lose" its communist governors: some of them left the party, having agreed to cooperate with the authorities, others lost their posts, and the communist press condemned "representatives of the left forces" who "getting into power, go through stages of opportunism, political betrayal, ... as a result, they join the ranks of the bourgeois management elite ",,. So, in 2003, the governor of the Krasnodar Territory, Alexander Tkachev, announced the suspension of his membership in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and then headed the regional list of United Russia in the elections to the State Duma,. In February 2005, the governor of the Kursk region, Alexander Mikhailov, who won the gubernatorial election with the support of the Communist Party in 2002, joined United Russia. If in the spring of 2005 the Communist Party had five governors, then a year later there were three left: Nikolai Vinogradov (Vladimir region), Nikolai Maksyuta (Volgograd region) and Mikhail Mashkovtsev (Kamchatka region),.
In 2004, when Putin initiated the rejection of direct elections of the heads of the subjects of the federation (the reforms were justified by the need to improve the state mechanism of the country, faced with the threat of international terrorism), the deputies of the Communist Party faction in the State Duma opposed the bill, which proposed the abolition of gubernatorial elections. However, the parliamentary majority ensured the passage of this law already in the first reading. At the same time, Russian Forbes later noted, not one of the "red governors" resigned in protest against the reform,.
In October 2006, three parties - "Motherland" (people's patriotic union), the Russian Party of Life (RPZh) and the Russian Party of Pensioners (RPP) merged into one, called "Fair Russia: Motherland, Pensioners, Life". The media noted that in this way the authorities actually created an alternative to the communists - the party of the "new left" (that's what the media called "Fair Russia"), and later she and the Communist Party acted as rivals in the struggle for the "left" electorate,,,,,.
In September 2007, the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved the list of candidates from the party to participate in the elections to the State Duma of the fifth convocation. The list was headed by Zyuganov, the second and third were Nobel laureate Zhores Alferov and Nikolai Kharitonov, who headed the Agro-Industrial Union,. In the elections held on December 2, 2007, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation successfully overcame the electoral barrier, gaining 11.57 percent of the votes of Russian voters and receiving 57 seats in the State Duma - significantly less than United Russia (315 seats), but more than the Liberal Democratic Party (40 seats) and "Fair Russia" (38 seats), , , . Zyuganov once again became the chairman of the faction, and Ivan Melnikov was elected deputy speaker of the State Duma. The communists also headed two committees of the lower house: on industry (chairman - Yuri Maslyukov) and on national affairs (chairman - Valentin Kuptsov),,.
On December 15, 2007, at the extraordinary XII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Zyuganov's fellow party members nominated him for the third time as a candidate for the presidency of Russia. Novye Izvestia noted innovations in Zyuganov's election campaign: according to the newspaper, the communists decided to "work more closely with the Internet", focusing on "campaigning in blogs - personal diaries of party members",. On December 26, 2007, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered Zyuganov as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. On March 2, 2008, presidential elections were held. They were won by the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev, who received 70.28 percent of the votes of Russian voters. Zyuganov won 17.72 percent of the vote and took second place in the elections,.
In 2007-2008, the Communist Party finally lost all its "red governors": Mashkovtsev resigned, Maksyuta moved to United Russia, and Vinogradov suspended his membership in the Communist Party,,.
In November 2008, the XIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place, at which a "qualitatively new" version of the 1995 party program was adopted. Among the innovations, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee Melnikov noted the appearance of a clearly defined assessment of the political regime that existed in the country, under which "citizens are alienated from participation in managing the affairs of society. The norms of even bourgeois democracy are violated. Elections to government bodies are increasingly turning into a farce." The program also touched upon the "Russian question" and mentioned the "blatant genocide of a great nation." In addition, it was argued that as a result of the policy of the authorities, "a blow is inflicted on culture and language",,. Also at the congress, the ideas of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation regarding ways to overcome the consequences of the global financial crisis were discussed: the communists traditionally proposed to nationalize the main wealth of Russia, as well as to introduce a rigid system of state regulation in the energy sector, in transport, in the military-industrial complex,,. In 2008-2009, members of the Communist Party talked a lot about the need to change the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, proposing to transform it into the State Bank of Russia and, with its help, create a "state banking system for investing in the basic sectors of the economy, science, and agriculture." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation also advocated the nationalization of industry banks,,.
In various elections to the legislative assemblies of Russian regions in the late 2000s and early 2010s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation traditionally took second place, receiving 10-20 percent of the vote, and sometimes more,,. So, in the March 2011 elections, the Communist Party received 28.8 percent of the vote in the Nizhny Novgorod region, and its representative became the deputy chairman of the regional legislative assembly. The Communists also won some mayoral elections: for example, in 2010, Viktor Kondrashov was elected mayor of Irkutsk with the support of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (who, however, joined United Russia in February 2011). Scandalous media called the October 11, 2009 elections to local authorities in a number of Russian regions, including elections to the Moscow City Duma. In almost all subjects of the federation, "United Russia" won the majority of votes, and in the Moscow City Duma, the Communists received only three seats out of 35. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and "Fair Russia" announced massive fraud, demanded a recount of votes and a meeting with Medvedev, and as a sign of protest in in full force left the hall of the State Duma,. This demarche had no effect on the activities of the State Duma, since the number of United Russia deputies was enough to pass any laws. On October 21, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was the last to return to the meeting room of the State Duma. On October 26, Medvedev met with representatives of the Duma factions. Zyuganov at this meeting brought evidence of fraud in the last elections and demanded the resignation of the head of the CEC, Vladimir Churov. The next day, it became known that in his new message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, Medvedev would announce changes to the electoral legislation,. The President, in particular, proposed to unify regional legislation with respect to federal legislation, including by passing a law so that parties that gain more than 5 percent in elections must receive representation in local parliaments,.
In the 2000s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to actively organize protests and take part in rallies. In the mid-2000s, protests against the unpopular law on the monetization of benefits were especially massive in various regions of the country. The participants in these rallies demanded the resignation of the government and "sharply criticized" United Russia and President Putin,,. Party experts claimed that in 2008, 95 percent of protesters across the country took part in the All-Russian actions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in 2010 "78 percent of all participants in the protest events took part in the actions organized by the party." In addition to protests, the communists held rallies during the May holidays, as well as in November - in memory of the next anniversary of the October Revolution of 1917.
Communist Party since the early 2010s
In early summer 2011, in response to the creation of United Russia and its supporters of the All-Russian Popular Front, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation announced the formation of a new organization under the auspices of the party - the Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky All-People's Militia. For the militia, the party members prepared a "program for bringing the country out of the crisis",.
Zyuganov headed the federal list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the sixth convocation from the Communist Party in the December 2011 elections,. According to the voting results, the Communists won 19.19 percent of the votes, having received 92 deputy mandates. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation announced large-scale election fraud, and intended to challenge their results in courts of various instances, from district courts to the Supreme Court,,. The Communists took part in large-scale rallies "For Fair Elections" in December 2011 - February 2012 (which were gathered in Moscow, according to various estimates, from 30 to 120 thousand people), however, the party leadership preferred to speak at their own independent protests, and Zyuganov in December 2011, he even called one of the rallies "For Fair Elections" a harbinger of "orange leprosy", , , , , , .
In the renewed State Duma, Zyuganov again headed the Communist Party faction, Melnikov became the first deputy chairman of the State Duma,. Members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed six committees: the committee on property issues (chaired by Sergey Gavrilov), the committee on industry (Sergey Sobko), the committee on land relations and construction (Aleksey Russkikh), the committee on defense (Vladimir Komoyedov), the committee on regional policy and problems North and Far East (Nikolai Kharitonov), as well as the Committee on Natural Resources, Nature Management and Ecology (Vladimir Kashin).
In the same month, at the XIV Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Zyuganov was nominated as a candidate for the next presidential elections scheduled for March 4, 2012,. On December 28, 2011, his candidacy was officially registered by the CEC,. During the election campaign, Zyuganov was supported by the socio-political organization "Left Front", which actively participated in opposition rallies "For Fair Elections",. On January 17, 2012, the Left Front signed an agreement with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on joint actions in the presidential elections. In accordance with this agreement, Zyuganov was obliged, if elected, to implement the main demands of the protest movement - to release political prisoners, to reform political legislation, judicial reform and early parliamentary elections. The coordinator of the organizational department of the Left Front, Sergei Udaltsov, was appointed Zyuganov's confidant and spoke on his behalf at the debate on television,. In the March 4 elections, Zyuganov came in second with about 17 percent of the vote, while Prime Minister Putin received almost 64 percent, which allowed him to avoid a second round of voting. Zyuganov did not recognize the election results.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation today: size, regional structure, financing
Despite the fact that at the time of its founding the Communist Party was the most massive party in Russia, its membership gradually decreased. In 1995, the party consisted of 550 thousand people, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had branches in all subjects of the federation, excluding Chechnya. Eleven years later, in 2006, only 184,000 people were members of the Communist Party. At the same time, the communists stated the fact that the "natural decline" of party members (48 percent of whom were over 60 years old) was 21 thousand people a year, and only 9.8 thousand people a year joined new people. As of 2011, the membership of the party was 154 thousand people, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had branches in 81 subjects of the federation, in addition, each of them had many local branches, in total - 2308.
In 2007, revenues for the implementation of the statutory activities of the Communist Party amounted to almost 528 million rubles. In the crisis of 2008, the main source of funding for the Communist Party was the state budget: then they amounted to 206 million rubles. The party received another 66 million as donations from individuals and legal entities, and financial receipts from entrance and membership fees amounted to almost 52 million rubles. In total, taking into account receipts in the form of "other property" (except money), the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received almost 360 million rubles in 2008,. In 2009, this amount increased to 379 million, and in 2010 - to 488 million.
The "main party newspaper" of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the newspaper "Pravda", the official journal of the party - "Political Education". Another publication close to the communists is "Soviet Russia", which, nevertheless, calls itself an "independent people's newspaper". The Communist Party of the Russian Federation also has many regional party publications, their number in 2009 was estimated at 87 units.
Used materials
Kirill Brainin. The final results of the presidential elections in Russia have been summed up - Vladimir Putin has been elected in the first round. - First channel, 10.03.2012
Zyuganov does not recognize the results of the presidential elections. - ITAR-TASS, 04.03.2012
Russia-24: Debate Zyuganov (Udaltsov's confidant) - Prokhorov (Lubimov's confidant). - , 25.02.2012
Foreigners are outraged: Medvedev admitted that Yeltsin did not win in 1996, and everyone is silent. - NEWSru.com, 24.02.2012
Udaltsov became a confidant of Russian presidential candidate Zyuganov. - RIA News, 22.02.2012
Kremlin: Medvedev did not claim that Yeltsin's victory in the 1996 presidential election was rigged. - Newspaper.Ru, 21.02.2012
Evgenia Zharkova. Zyuganov and Mironov will not come to the "For Fair Elections" rally. - New Region, 03.02.2012
Alexey Gorbachev. Popular protest doesn't need party colors. - Independent newspaper, 23.01.2012
Elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation: criminal cases initiated. - BBC News, Russian Service, 21.01.2012
Ruslan Tkhagushev, Alexey Bragin, Mikhail Surkov. Putin - no! Zyuganov - yes! - Communist Party of the Russian Federation (kprf.ru), 21.01.2012
G. Zyuganov united with the "Left Front" before the presidential elections. - RBC, 17.01.2012
Tamara Ivanova. The leaders of four Duma parties have officially entered the presidential election campaign. - ITAR-TASS, 28.12.2011
Zyuganov, following Zhirinovsky, was registered as a presidential candidate. - Russian News Service, 28.12.2011
The meeting on Sakharov failed to translate the number of people into the quality of ideas. - RIA News, 24.12.2011
Andrey Medvedev. Rally "For Fair Elections": organized and within the law. - Vesti.Ru, 24.12.2011
Zhukov and Melnikov were elected first vice-speakers of the Duma. - Interfax, 21.12.2011
Communist Ivan Melnikov has the second result after United Russia member Sergei Naryshkin in electing the Chairman of the State Duma. - Official website of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 21.12.2011
Four factions are registered in the State Duma of the VI convocation. - RBC, 21.12.2011
Deputies from the Communist Party headed 6 committees of the new State Duma. - RBC, 21.12.2011
Zyuganov will head the Communist Party faction in the new Duma. - RIA News, 19.12.2011
The Communist Party holds a rally "For Fair Elections". - Vesti.Ru, 18.12.2011
Zyuganov is nominated for the presidency. - infox.ru, 17.12.2011
Zyuganov ran for president. - Newspaper.Ru, 17.12.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party called the rallies on Bolotnaya "orange leprosy." - RBC, 14.12.2011
The CEC of the Russian Federation announced the official results of the elections to the State Duma. - RBC, 09.12.2011
Communist Party on electoral fraud: Society will not leave it like that. - IA Rosbalt, 05.12.2011
The Communist Party is preparing to challenge the election results in court. - BFM.ru, 05.12.2011
So who are you, Mr. Zyuganov? - ROIIVS "Rusichi", 09.11.2011
On registration of the federal list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation, nominated by the Political Party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation". - Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (www.cikrf.ru), 14.10.2011. - № 45/374-6
Small party on the left. - Newspaper.Ru, 23.08.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation will present the People's Militia in Nizhny Novgorod. - RIA News, 15.07.2011
Zyuganov began to form a nationwide militia in Nizhny Novgorod. - Interfax-Povolzhye, 15.07.2011
Alexander Kynev. Boycott utopia. - Newspaper.Ru, 13.07.2011
Stanislav Kuvaldin. Elections the day before. - Expert, 21.03.2011. - № 11 (745)
Four mayors joined United Russia. - Days.ru, 25.02.2011
Ekaterina Vinokurova. United Russia took offense at the communist governor. - Newspaper.Ru, 08.02.2011
Anna Zakatnova. Forever Young. - Russian newspaper, 02/07/2011. - Federal issue No. 5400 (24)
N.V. Fokina. Results of 2010. Monitoring of protest activity. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation (kprf.ru), 12.01.2011
List of regional departments of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. - 01.01.2011
Election Day: United Russia celebrates victory, the rest are not in a claim. - RIA News, 15.03.2010
Maxim Artemiev. Where did the Red Belt go? - Forbes.Ru, 21.01.2010
Arkady Lyubarev. How to improve elections. - Newspaper.Ru, 19.11.2009
Medvedev ordered to unify the regional electoral legislation following the example of the federal one. - NEWSru.com, 12.11.2009
Roman Badanin, Elizaveta Surnacheva, Ilya Azar, Maria Tsvetkova. Rough. - Newspaper.Ru, 27.10.2009
"Be sensible conservatives." - Interfax, 27.10.2009
The Communist Party returned to the State Duma. - IA Rosbalt, 21.10.2009
In protest, three of the four factions left the meeting room of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. - IA REGNUM, 14.10.2009
S.E. Anikhovsky. Regional party press in the ideological, propaganda work of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (speech at a seminar). - , 07/19/2009
Give a plan of anti-crisis measures of the Communist Party! Picket at the Central Bank in Moscow. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 15.04.2009
Consolidated financial report of the political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation" (KPRF). - Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, 30.03.2009
G.A. Zyuganov in Interfax: The Communist Party is a real political force capable of leading the country out of a severe crisis. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 15.12.2008
Elina Bilevskaya, Victoria Kruchinina. Crisis in the service of the Communist Party. - Independent newspaper, 01.12.2008
Viktor Khamraev. "The wind of history blows again in our sails." - Kommersant, 01.12.2008. - No. 218/P(4035)
XIII Congress of the Communist Party: The sixth term of Gennady Zyuganov. - Scylla (IEG Panorama), 01.12.2008
Sergei Reshulsky, deputy head of the Communist Party faction in the State Duma: "Only the voice of the Communists constantly sounds in opposition to this stamping mechanism." - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 28.06.2008
The CEC summed up the results of the presidential elections. - Newspaper.Ru, 07.03.2008
The final results of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation have been made public. - RBC, 07.03.2008
Victor Trushkov. Pravda about the anniversary of the party: Valentin Kuptsov recalls the events associated with the convening of the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 12.02.2008
Julia Malysheva. The Communists were left without governors. - Sight, 14.01.2008
The CEC of the Russian Federation registered Zyuganov as a presidential candidate. - RIA News, 26.12.2007
Four factions are registered in the new State Duma. - RIA News, 24.12.2007
List of registered deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation. - Russian newspaper, 19.12.2007
Kira Vasilyeva. Image nothing? - New news, 17.12.2007
Viktor Khamraev. Gennady Zyuganov advanced to the second round. - Kommersant, 17.12.2007. - № 232(3808)
State Duma deputy Valery Rashkin: Voters will vote for our candidate Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov. - Official website of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 16.12.2007
The results of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation. - Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (vybory.izbirkom.ru), 08.12.2007
United Russia has shortcomings on the ground. - Kommersant Daily, 04.12.2007. - 223
Daria Guseva. The third version of socialism. - news time, 24.09.2007
"Patriots of Russia". The composition of the federal troika has been announced. - RIA Elections, 24.09.2007
The list in the elections to the State Duma from the Socialist-Revolutionaries will be headed by Mironov. - RIA News, 23.09.2007
The Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved the pre-election list of the party. - RIA Elections, 22.09.2007
Valery Lavsky, Polina Dobrolyubova. Nikolai Kharitonov turned out to be unsuitable for agriculture. - Kommersant, 02.07.2007. - № 113(3689)
The Kamchatka governor resigned. - Newspaper (Gzt.ru), 23.05.2007
Alexei Pushkov: "Fair Russia" can compete with the Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party for second place in the elections in 2007. - Website of the party "Fair Russia", 28.02.2007
Andrey Sorokin. The heirs of the CPSU. - Alternatives, 06.11.2006. - №2
Anna Tkach. The goal is the triumph of justice. - parliamentary newspaper, 30.10.2006. - №2029(1398)
Natalya Kharlamova. No one thought that the development of the country would go like this. - Polit.ru, 26.09.2006
Semyon Goncharov. The Kremlin approved the Party of Life as the opposition. - KM.ru, 17.08.2006
"Dictatorship of conscience". Interview with N. Gubenko. - Soviet Russia, 17.08.2006
Mikhail Tulsky. DPR: the history of the conflict. - Political News Agency, 02.08.2006
Dmitry Kamyshev. Again a twin. - Kommersant-Vlast, 31.07.2006. - №30 (684)
Alla Barakhova, Viktor Khamraev, Yuri Chernega, Mikhail Fishman. "Motherland" was given a new life. - Kommersant, 26.07.2006. - 135
The Russian Party of Life and the Rodina party decided to unite. - RIA News, 25.07.2006
Viktor Anpilov. - Echo of Moscow, 11.07.2006
Tamara Zamyatina. "I'm tired of different tales!". - Moscow news, 06.07.2006
The Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will set the task of increasing the size of the party by 3 times. - FORUM.msk, 17.06.2006
Presidential Election Results - 2004 (Sun March 14, 2004). - Politics, electronic periodical, 25.04.2006
Agenda of the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation of 10.04.2006. - Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 21.04.2006. - №7 (37)
Nadezhda Ivanitskaya. Deviant governors. - Vedomosti, 21.03.2006
Ekaterina Golovina. The Communist Party will play democracy. - News, 31.10.2005
Charter of the political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation". - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 29.10.2005
political party, is the successor of the cause of the CPSU, aims to build socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, advocates democracy in the form of Soviets, strengthening the federal Russian state (recognizes the equality of all forms of ownership). It builds its work on the basis of the program and charter, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution and legislation of the Russian Federation. The primary organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation operate in all regions, districts and cities of Russia without exception. The vertical structure of the party is supported by horizontal ones, consisting of councils of secretaries of primary, district and city organizations. Attributes of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: red banner, anthem "International", emblem - hammer, sickle, book (symbol of the union of workers of the city, village, science and culture), motto - "Russia, labor, democracy, socialism." The highest body of the party is the congress, which elects the Central Committee and its chairman, who since 1993 has been G.A. Zyuganov. The printed organs of the party are the newspapers Pravda, Pravda Rossii, and more than 30 regional newspapers. The Communist Party of the RSFSR as part of the CPSU was formed in June 1990 at a conference of Russian communists, transformed into the First (Constituent) Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. In June-September 1990, the composition of the Central Committee of the Party was formed, headed by the first secretary of the Central Committee IP Polozkov, who was soon replaced by V. Kuptsov. After the events of August 1991, communist organizations in Russia were banned. But in November 1992 the Constitutional Court of Russia overturned the ban on the Communist Party of the RSFSR. On February 13, 1993, the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR took place. The congress announced the resumption of the activities of the party, which became known as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In March 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was officially registered as a public organization. At the congress, the program statement of the party and its charter were adopted. The resolutions of the congress became the basis for the restoration and creation of primary, district, city, district, regional, regional and republican organizations of the Communist Party, the mobilization of communists to fight the ruling regime. In the context of the strengthening of authoritarian state power in Russia during the years of Putin's presidency, economic growth, improvement in the material situation of people in the 2000s. the influence of the communists in the country declined. Gradually, the communists also lost most of the governor's posts in the regions. Since the presidential elections of 2004, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has consistently been in opposition to Putin's socio-economic policy.
Great Definition
Incomplete definition ↓
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (KPRF)
one of the most influential political parties in modern Russia. The sector of the political field, which the party traditionally occupies, can be characterized as leftist - from elements of left radicalism to social democracy. Despite the relative homogeneity of the ideological platform, large national-radical and international-moderate ideological and political currents coexist in the party. The party has at least 500,000 members. The party's social base is made up mainly of middle-aged and elderly people (the average age of members is about 50 years). The party publishes more than 150 newspapers.
The party is based on the territorial principle. One of the few parties that has structures in all regions of the Russian Federation. The total number of primary organizations is about 26 thousand. Its governing bodies are the Central Committee - 143 members, 25 candidate members, the Presidium of the Central Committee - 17 members, the Secretariat - 5 members.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has the principle of democratic centralism (mandatory implementation by the minority of all decisions of the majority). The highest body of the Party is the congress, which meets at least once every three years. In the period between congresses, the party is led by the Central Committee, and in the intervals between the plenums of the Central Committee, the Presidium of the Central Committee. Members of the Central Control and Auditing Commission (CCRC) elected at the congress may also participate in the work of the Central Committee. G. A. Zyuganov has been the Chairman of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation since February 1993. The Presidium and Secretariat of the CPRF Central Committee include Yu. P. Belov, V. I. Zorkaltsev, V. A. Kuptsov (First Deputy Chairman of the CPRF Central Committee), V. P. Peshkov, M. S. Surkov, A. A. Shabanov and etc.
The main goals of the statutory activities are: propaganda of socialism as a society of social justice and freedom, collectivism, equality, genuine democracy in the form of Soviets; formation of a market-oriented, socially oriented, environmentally safe economy that guarantees a stable increase in the living standards of the gray dan; strengthening the federal multi-national state with equal rights for all subjects of the Russian Federation; the inseparable unity of human rights, the complete equality of citizens of any nationality throughout Russia, patriotism, friendship of peoples; cessation of armed conflicts, resolution of contentious issues by political methods; protection of the interests of the working class, the peasantry, the intelligentsia, all working people.
Watching disputes on the Internet between supporters and opponents of the Communist Party, you are often surprised how far the supporters of the Communist Party are from understanding communism and the essence of the communist idea. Briefly, their position can probably be described as follows -
"We are for all good things and against all bad things."
What the Communist Party should be like and what it should do, they can't even imagine! They are quite satisfied that the name of their party contains the word "communist", in their understanding this is quite enough to reflect the true essence of the political organization. They do not realize the difference between form and content and do not want to realize. Sad but true!
And unfortunately, the roots of this phenomenon lie in the post-Stalin USSR, when faith in the Communist Party was simply limitless, which was actually used by those who wanted to return capitalism. She, this blind faith in the infallibility of the CPSU, did not allow the Soviet Communists to organize the masses of Soviet working people in the fight against the advancing counter-revolution, and yet the Soviet people did not aspire to capitalism at all.
I remember that the notorious A. Yakovlev, the “gray eminence of perestroika”, after the destruction of the USSR and the destruction of Soviet socialism, admitted that the enemies of socialism did this using the power of the party itself. But even such a recognition of an open enemy did not in the least alert the Soviet party inhabitants (there was such a sort of Soviet people in the USSR who were to a large extent responsible for everything that happened to our country at the end of the 20th century), did not make them think about what is political party and what are its goals and objectives and to analyze in the most serious way all the activities of the CPSU and the essence of the newly-minted CPRF.
The communist deserved it!
Imagine, the year is 1916 and Tsar Nicholas II is presenting an order to Lenin ..., all the Bolsheviks are applauding and voting for Lenin !!!
Talking about the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, one often has to point out that the main pillar of the existing capitalist system in Russia is not the United Russia party in power, as many people think, but the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Some comrades are very surprised by this. And in fact it is so in fact.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is really the heir of the late CPSU, which actively helped the destruction of socialism in our country, and now continues its policy, fettering the revolutionary energy of the party masses and a significant part of non-party workers who are extremely dissatisfied with capitalism. Accustomed not to think, not to take any responsibility and meekly obey all the instructions of the party authorities, a significant part of the former members of the CPSU, which is now in the ranks of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, has actually turned out to be completely neutralized from any kind of active political activity. Instead of real politics, they were offered the illusion of politics and, without going into the essence of the matter, they grabbed it with their hands and feet, since such an activity was completely safe for them and fully corresponded to their philistine understanding. After all, it was no longer necessary to be a real revolutionary, as the Bolsheviks were, to risk oneself and make sacrifices - Zyuganov “cancelled” the class struggle and revolutions, what else is needed? Slowly, they say, if we try and vote correctly in the elections, we will come to socialism by peaceful parliamentary means.
Explaining why the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is not a communist party, we will not analyze each of the many statements of its leader G.A. Zyuganov, to quote footcloths from the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - this has been done more than once, and there is no point in repeating it. We will look deep into the problem, covering it in general and as a whole, we will show the very essence of this party, comparing it with a truly communist one. And let the reader decide for himself whether he agrees with our arguments or not, whether they are false or true.
First, about the criteria with which we will approach the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, i.e. about what a political party is, and what a real communist party is.
Political Party - it is not just some kind of gathering of like-minded friends who suddenly decided to go into politics, it is a political organization of a particular social class that reflects the ideology of this class and defends its fundamental political and economic interests. Indigenous, not momentary, not temporary, not fleeting. These fundamental interests of the social class are determined by the place of this class in social production under the given existing social order.
Based on this, the fundamental interest of the bourgeois class is to maintain its political dominance, to maintain private ownership of the means of social production, allowing this class to exploit the proletarians by appropriating their labour.
The fundamental interest of the proletarian class is to get rid of all exploitation and all oppression, which can only be done by abolishing private ownership of the means of social production as a factor without which no exploitation is possible.
The most conscious and most active part of the proletariat is working class- hired workers employed in the sphere of industrial production. The political party of the working class, made up of advanced workers, leaders and organizers of the working class, and expressing the fundamental interests of the entire class of proletarians, and there is - communist party.
Working class mindset –dialectical materialism which completely rejects any idealistic, including religious consciousness.
Ideology of the working class – Marxism-Leninism in its classic form without any cuts, distortions and revisions. One of the most important principles of Marxism-Leninism is proletarian internationalism. Marxism-Leninism clearly shows the path to the emancipation of the proletariat - socialist revolution, with the help of which the proletariat, overthrowing the power of the bourgeoisie, seizes political power, and further dictatorship of the proletariat which is necessary for the proletariat to maintain its rule, to suppress the bourgeoisie and build a new socialist state. It is in this way that, as is known from world history, all the countries of socialism, including the USSR, were built.
In order to be entitled to be called communist, a political party must comply with everyone without exception the above criteria. (Generally speaking, not only these criteria, but these are the main ones.)
Now let's see if the Communist Party corresponds to at least one of them.
Is the CPRF a party of the working class?
No is not. There are very few workers in this party, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not even position itself as a party of workers, declaring that the Communist Party is "a genuine party of working people, providing answers to the most pressing questions of modern development". (see the program of the Communist Party)
Maybe someone will not notice the difference, but it is also the most fundamental. A worker is an employee in the sphere of industrial production, i.e. proletarian. And here such a social class as "workers" does not exist in nature!“Workers” is a synonym for the words “people”, “common people”, “working people”, etc. Representatives of the bourgeois class can also be classified as workers or working people, because they also work - they manage their property. Exactly the same as the concept of "people" includes all classes and strata of society without exception.
And whose interests in this case will be expressed by the party, which includes both the exploited and the exploiters, if their interests are directly opposed to each other? Of course, NOT the interests of the exploited, but only the exploiters!
A party that does not indicate the interests of which class it specifically defends, arguing about the people in general, about abstract working people - there is always a BOURGEOIS party !!!
Therefore, it is not surprising that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation consists of all and sundry - from factory workers to representatives of the big bourgeoisie. But most of all in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are pensioners who do not belong to any social class, since they do not participate in social production in any way. Pensioners are an interclass stratum that is materially entirely dependent on the Russian bourgeois state, as a result of which they have for the most part a petty-bourgeois, and not at all a proletarian consciousness.
Are the members of the CPRF the leaders and organizers of the working class and the proletarian masses?
No, they are not. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has no influence in the working class and the proletarian masses and does not carry out any work there. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is completely occupied with its parliamentary activities and only sometimes, for the sake of its own advertising, is distracted by commemorative actions or holds permitted protest events of a social nature, in which only activists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation participate. Workers and proletarians, i.e. the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is not interested in the working people, it only hides behind words about the welfare of the working people and about socialism, in fact fully defending the interests of the bourgeoisie and strengthening capitalism.
For 20 years of its existence, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has not organized a single strike, and has never even supported one of them! Is everything perfect at our Russian enterprises? There are no contradictions and injustices? There, employers take care of the workers as if they were themselves? Of course not! The situation of the working class in Russia is very difficult, wages are on the verge of survival of people, safety precautions are almost never observed, working conditions are often terrible, and so on. But all this is of no interest to the “party of working people”.
With huge financial resources at its disposal, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has never allocated a single penny to the workers in the strike fund - it does not risk infringing on the rights of the capitalists, even in a small way, and in every possible way avoids actions that could hit them in the pocket. And it's no coincidence - the entire leadership of the Communist Party, both in the center and in the field, itself belongs to the class of owners. There is not a single representative of the working class in the Communist Party faction in the State Duma, but there are quite a few real oligarchs. As a result, it is not surprising that in government bodies the Communist Party fully serves the interests of capital, often supporting bills and actions of the authorities that are directly aimed at infringing on the interests of the Russian proletariat.
How does the Communist Party of the Russian Federation treat private ownership of the means of social production?
As we pointed out above, the real communist party completely denies private ownership of the means of social production, considering its destruction as its main goal. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation not only does not deny private property, but, on the contrary, fully supports it, and the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation testifies to this with all evidence - such a measure as the destruction of private ownership of the means of social production, and hence the exploitation of man by man, is not provided for in the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation at all! !! Even at the third stage of the country's development, to which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation intends to lead the country after coming to power (its version of "neo-socialism"), only "the dominance of social forms of ownership of the main means of production.""Domination" means that private property SAVE, and given the fact that we are talking about the third, final stage in the construction of Keperaf's "neo-socialism", it is preserved forever! Those. Citizens who believe in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will NEVER receive real socialism, and even more so communism! The Communist Party itself declares this honestly and directly. You just need to be able to understand what it declares, for which you need to master at least the basics of Marxism-Leninism and logic.
Worldview of the Communist Party
As we wrote above, the worldview of a real communist party must be strictly dialectical-materialistic. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation not only does not deny religion, but, on the contrary, cooperates with religious institutions in the closest possible way - a lot has been said in the media about the ties between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Russian Orthodox Church. Moreover, the leader of the Communist Party Zyuganov does not even hide them, stating:
“It was not by chance that we adopted Orthodoxy”, "Together with Patriarch Kirill, they created the Russian Cathedral."
And what is religion in the understanding of real communists? This is an ideology that allows you to keep the oppressed and exploited in slavery. "Religion is the opium of the people" Everyone remembers this expression. It means that every religion denies scientific knowledge of the world, without which it is IMPOSSIBLE to build a truly just and truly free society. In order to create such a society, you need to believe in Man, and not in an abstract god, believe in the ability of a person to change his own life and become the master of his own destiny. Religion, on the other hand, claims the opposite, that a person is powerless, that a certain god decides everything for him, a certain higher power that arranges the world as it pleases. The true freedom of a person with such a worldview is impossible. This is the worldview of a slave, not a free man. That is why communism denies religion as the ideology of slaves, depriving them of the strength to fight for their freedom.
A party that favors religion is always a party that works for the benefit only and exclusively of the oppressors, and not of the oppressed.
Speaking of freedom, in reality such a party does everything so that people who trust it will never see this freedom.
Knowing perfectly well how communism treats religion and why it denies it (as well as any idealistic worldview!), the leader of the Communist Party Zyuganov is trying to cover up the betrayal of the interests of the proletariat committed by the Communist Party, by communism itself, in the real possibility of which our people were convinced during the Soviet era. He states, for example, that "Jesus Christ is the first communist on Earth", but "The Sermon on the Mount of Christ is the same Manifesto of the Communist Party of Marx, only written better" thereby almost identifying communism and Orthodoxy, replacing true science with religion (i.e. mythology).
Who can benefit from such a distortion of the communist idea, such a slander against it? Only and exclusively to the bourgeois class, which categorically does not want the liberation of the proletariat!
Ideology of the Communist Party
The ideology of the real Communist Party - Marxism-Leninism in the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is mentioned only once at the very beginning, and that is rather slippery:
"Our party ... is guided by the Marxist-Leninist teaching and develops it creatively...".
In fact, the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not smell of any Marxism, and what the Communist Party of the Russian Federation calls the "development of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine" is a complete denial of Marxism. Moreover, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Zyuganov does not even hide this, in the program “Shevchenko vs Zyuganov” stating:
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation no longer needs Marxism-Leninism - the only weapon with which the proletariat can defeat the bourgeoisie.
Why?
But because the Communist Party does not want to win it!
Attitude of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to the national question
For a truly communist party, the principle of proletarian internationalism is at the forefront of all its activities, and this is expressed even in the main slogan of the communists of the whole world -
"Proletarians of all countries, unite!"
Why is this the main slogan of the communists?
Yes, because Only by uniting the proletariat of different countries and peoples can the world bourgeoisie be defeated!
The CPRF views the national question in a completely different way. On the one hand, it seems to declare the friendship of peoples:
"The Party is fighting... for the re-establishment of the fraternal Union of Soviet peoples..."[cm. Program of the Communist Party] , on the other hand, declares in the same place in his Program that "the tasks of solving the Russian question and the struggle for socialism essentially coincide."
These are the words of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and its actions are even more odious - the movement "Russian way", initiated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, unites in its ranks not workers and rural workers, but 130 bourgeois-patriotic, nationalist and Orthodox structures, such as "Holy Russia", the Cossack Foundation "For the Fatherland" and the International Slavic Academy! Those. terry monarchists, nationalists and religious leaders, whose task is to contribute in every possible way to the prosperity of the ruling class in Russia today - the bourgeoisie, and, consequently, to the unrestrained oppression and exploitation of the working masses of our country!
Arguing in its Program on the fraternal Union of Soviet peoples, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation simultaneously hates these peoples with fierce hatred, demanding legislative restrictions on the entry into Russia of migrants from Central Asia, which, generally speaking, are representatives of those same Soviet peoples who lived under Soviet socialism among themselves very amicably. Why did these peoples not please the Communist Party of the Russian Federation today? The fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation fulfills the will of the national bourgeoisie of Russia and the Central Asian republics, which are simply engaged in dividing the market among themselves, including the labor market, without which profit and appropriation of other people's labor is impossible.
Which class benefits from the ardent nationalism of the Communist Party? Again, only and exclusively the bourgeoisie!!!
(The editors of the site "For Bolshevism!" recommends readers to read the article by V. Sarmatov " The Problem of Guest Workers: A Marxist Analysis")
The attitude of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to the socialist revolution
The classics of Marxism-Leninism proved with all irrefutability that the transition from capitalism to socialism is IMPOSSIBLE except through a socialist revolution. History has repeatedly confirmed their conclusion.
As for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Zyuganov's most famous phrase is probably the notorious " ... Our country has exhausted the limit for revolutions and other shocks ... » , which says only one thing, that the leader of the Communist Party is not only an outright lackey of the bourgeois class, but also not a very smart person.
Revolutions cannot be banned. A revolution is a change in the socio-economic system, cardinal changes in all areas of society, during which the ruling class in society changes. Revolutions are demanded by life itself, the very development of productive forces, human society, science and technology. Revolutions arise regardless of the desire of any specific individuals, this is the result of the action of the objective laws of the development of human society. And since the old ruling class never voluntarily leaves, in a good way, these changes are usually brought about by revolutionary uprisings. Such were, for example, all bourgeois revolutions, when the bourgeois class, which had grown up in the depths of feudal society, overthrew the feudal class. All socialist revolutions were the same, when the oppressed proletarian class overthrew their oppressors, the bourgeois class.
But the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its leader Zyuganov categorically disagree with the laws of social development. They completely deny the socialist revolution, suggesting that the working people go towards socialism through political struggle in the bourgeois parliament. The fact that this path is completely unrealistic and unpromising does not bother them. Exactly the opposite, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is very happy with this - after all, this party lives very well, receiving huge money from the Russian bourgeois authorities for its alleged protection of the interests of workers.
Would the bourgeoisie pay a lot of money to those who really want to overthrow it? Never! This means that the activity of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it is carried out is beneficial to the bourgeoisie!
What does the Communist Party of the Russian Federation think about the dictatorship of the proletariat
If the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is afraid of revolutions like fire, then just mentioning the dictatorship of the proletariat, on the principles of which any true Communist Party should stand, will immediately have enough kondrashka. We look at the Program, listen to the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Zyuganov and see that we were not mistaken - the way it is.
In the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, in the speeches of Zyuganov and in the official documents of the party, there is not even a mention of the dictatorship of the proletariat!
But V.I. Lenin directly pointed out that anyone who denies the dictatorship of the proletariat is an enemy of the working class and an enemy of socialism, because it is impossible to build a socialist society without the dictatorship of the proletariat!
In a class society, where two main social classes, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, participate in material production, only either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat is possible. There can be no other state, which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation constantly talks about, without specifying its class essence and calling it the "state of the working people"!
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation invites Russian workers to go not to the scientific socialism of Marx and Lenin, but to some kind of “socialism of the 21st century”, “new socialism” (“neo-socialism”), in which labor and capital will somehow get along peacefully. Can a wolf and a sheep, a man and a tick that feeds on his blood, live together peacefully? It's completely out of the question! One of them must yield to the other. And historical practice shows that whenever there is talk about "peaceful coexistence of labor and capital", in fact, it turns out that this means only the complete subordination of labor to capital. That is exactly what happens with the Communist Party.
Let's see what KPRF's "socialism of the 21st century" consists of and what are its main features.
The CPRF sees its main task as:
"the establishment of the democratic power of the working people, the broad people's patriotic forces led by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation."[Cm. Program of the Communist Party].
This party is going to:
“actively revive and develop direct democracy…”[Cm. Program of the Communist Party ].
What is "democracy"?
This is something that can never be, and what the bourgeoisie always shouts about, covering their interest with talk about the people in general.
Why can't there be democracy?
Because it makes no sense for the people to rule over themselves. Dominate always OVER SOMEONE else! Over the one who needs to be forced to do your will. In a class society, not the people always rule, but a part of the people - the class. In a classless society, i.e. under full communism, it is not required to rule over anyone at all - people will become so conscious and educated that a communist society will function on the basis of self-government, high self-consciousness of all citizens, who will not need any coercion.
Communists openly say that under socialism the proletariat will rule. Who will he rule over? Above the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois elements, their fragments, so that they cannot again become oppressors and exploiters. Under socialism, the overwhelming majority of the people rule over an insignificant minority.
And only the bourgeoisie, always constituting a deliberately small part of the people of the country, hides its dominance over the majority with words about the power of the whole people. And this is not at all accidental, the bourgeoisie needs this deception, because otherwise the majority simply will not obey it! This is the true meaning of the “power of the people”, to which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation calls!
What will happen in the end? And the same thing that is now - everything under the KPRF "renewed socialism" will be decided by the bourgeoisie. And it is she who, under the talk of "real democracy" will again be the ruling class! From this it directly follows that The “neo-socialism” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is typical capitalism, exactly the same as we have today!
It may be objected that the Program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation says a lot about specific measures to improve the social situation of workers and even raises the question of nationalization.
Yes, there are such provisions in the CPRF Program.
But what do they really mean in practice under conditions when everything is controlled by the bourgeoisie, when private ownership of the means of social production is allowed in the country?
And the fact that any social benefits for the working people will be temporary, it is difficult to knock them out from the bourgeoisie, but it very easily and quickly takes them back. How much we talked about "Swedish socialism" and "welfare state" states during perestroika! And where are they now? No, not at all! European working people lived relatively well while the USSR was alive. At that time, the European bourgeoisie needed to smooth out social contradictions in their society so that the proletarian masses, looking at the USSR, would not strive for socialism. But after the destruction of Soviet socialism, the European bourgeoisie no longer had any need to spend huge material resources on the “worthy” life of their employees. Social guarantees for employees in Europe began to rapidly fold. And today only “horns and legs” remain from them.
A similar situation with nationalization, which Zyuganov often talks about and which is very popular with most fans of the Communist Party. Nationalization of nationalization - discord.
What is nationalization?
This is the transfer of the means of production from private ownership to state ownership. And here the key point is state which becomes the new owner of the means of production, its essence.
If it is a socialist state, i.e. dictatorship of the proletariat, then nationalization is undoubtedly a progressive and necessary measure capable of fundamentally improving the social and economic position of all the working masses in the country.
But if we are talking about a bourgeois state, such as our Russia, for example, then the position of the working people from the transfer of the means of production from private hands to the ownership of such a state WILL NOT CHANGE in the least!
Why?
Yes, because the bourgeois state (the state of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie) is a kind of committee for managing the affairs of the entire bourgeois class in the country, something like hired managers. In fact, the means of production both belonged to the bourgeoisie (a specific individual or several individuals), so they will belong to private individuals, only a little more of them, but still an insignificantly small part of the country's population. And as private individuals (big capital) received all the profits from these means of production, so they will receive them, only now this profit will be divided not into units, but into tens or hundreds of people who are members of the bourgeois class and have access to the state trough .
In understanding the essence of the bourgeois state lies the root the issue of corruption in our country, about which Zyuganov talks a lot, cursing and branding her. As long as capitalism exists in Russia, corruption will flourish in it. And all for the same reason - the state funds coming into the treasury of the Russian state from our taxes and payments, the class of the bourgeoisie (big bourgeoisie) perceives with their own personal means!
The treasury of Russia is the general treasury of the bourgeois class. This money is for them, and not for you and me, not for the common people, not for the working masses.
That is why Russia is constantly reducing spending on social guarantees for the population, introducing new fines and payments, increasing tariffs, rising prices, privatizing everything and everything, etc. Our Russian capital wants to get fat even more! And he simply cannot do otherwise - otherwise he will not be able to withstand competition with foreign capital, and that will simply gobble him up.
What is the conclusion from all this?
As you can see, not a single main criterion for a true communist party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation DOES NOT MATCH!!!
Conclusion:
Communist Party - the consignment NOT communist.
CPRF- a purely bourgeois party. It reflects the interests of the middle and petty bourgeoisie in Russia.
The goal of the Communist Party- not socialism, but the preservation of capitalism.
Communist Party method- fooling the working masses with beautiful words about "democracy" and "new socialism".
CPRF- the main pillar of the bourgeois regime existing in the country, because it fetters the revolutionary energy of the masses, directing their legitimate and just protest against the existing system on the path where it is IMPOSSIBLE to defeat the bourgeoisie and capitalism!
Leonid Sokolsky argued
From me:
A communist who does not restore Soviet power is a false communist. If a party whose name contains the word "communist" does not restore Soviet power, then it is false. Personally, I think that the Communist Party is a communist fake.
Judge for yourself which of these people is a communist and which is not:
According to the Party Charter, the supreme governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Regular Congresses are convened by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation at least once every four years. The decision to convene the next Congress, approve the draft agenda of the Congress and establish the norm of representation is announced no later than three months before the Congress. An extraordinary (extraordinary) Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation may be convened by the Central Committee on its own initiative, at the suggestion of the Central Control and Audit Commission of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or at the request of the Committees of the regional branches of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, uniting at least one third of the total number of members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In the event that the Central Committee fails to convene an extraordinary (extraordinary) Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, when such a convocation is mandatory, or if the Central Committee is unable to function, the regional branches of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation may form an Organizing Committee using the rights of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to convene an extraordinary (extraordinary) Congress.
The permanent governing body of the party is the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, whose members are elected by secret ballot by the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which decides any issues of the activities of the party that are not referred by this Charter to the exclusive competence of the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and are not regulated by the decisions of the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has its own flag, anthem, emblem and other symbols registered in accordance with the procedure established by the legislation of the Russian Federation. The flag of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a red flag, the width of which is two thirds of its length.
The anthem of the Communist Party is "The Internationale".
The emblem of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the sickle, hammer and open book interconnected together, symbolizing the proletarian solidarity of workers, peasants and intelligentsia. The basis of the emblem is the abbreviation "KPRF". Around the circumference of the emblem are the words "Russia", "labor", "democracy", "socialism".
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation sees three main goals.
1. Save the Russian people from extinction;
2. Strengthen the state integrity and unity of the country;
3. Overcome the economic ruin.
To solve these problems, according to the ideologists of the party, it is necessary to return to the people the property stolen from them, put strategically important sectors of the economy under state control, restore the socio-economic human rights to work, rest, affordable housing, free secondary and higher education, medical care, social security, open the view of creative energy, initiative and enterprise of all citizens, restore traditional allied ties in the international arena, ensure favorable external conditions for free labor and independent development of Russia.
Goals of the Communist Party:
Saving the people. Liquidation of the fierce genocide. The end of the demographic catastrophe. Revival of an effective system of health care and public education.
The return to the people of the plundered property of the country. Restoration of social justice. Approval of state control over strategic sectors of the economy. Ensuring an adequate standard of living for all Russians.
Gathering lands. Reconstruction of a single union state. United fraternal family of peoples. Common geopolitical space of continental Eurasia. The ultimate goal was and remains to build a just society - a solid foundation for prosperity. Great Russia in the coming millennium. In this society there will be no beggars and hungry, homeless and unemployed.
The strategy of the movement is based on the principles of justice, sovereignty, democracy, spirituality and patriotism.
The principles of the Communist Party:
Justice is an opportunity for everyone to realize their talents. Work for everyone. Perspectives for youth. Family well-being. Respect for the dignity of the individual and honest work. Happy childhood and secure old age. Everything that the criminal regime has deprived us of.
Sovereignty is state power, combined with paternal rigor and care. Priority of national interests over clan ones. The special responsibility of the state to society and the people.
Democracy is the power of the majority of the people and for the people. The power of conscience and law is the basis of civil peace and harmony. The main condition for free creation and creativity.
Spirituality is the desire to realize the highest human ideals and folk shrines.
Patriotism is a high sacred feeling that puts the common interests of the Fatherland above personal and private, readiness for self-sacrifice.
The program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation for the economic recovery of the country proposes the restructuring and cancellation of debts of enterprises, enterprises from accumulated debts, preferential lending to enterprises, lowering tariffs for electricity and rail transportation, taking them under the strict control of the state, paying special attention to the directors' corps. liquidate settlement accounts of small subsidiaries and other related structures for accounting transparency, restore multi-level control over the work of enterprises, including people's, introduce control over the salaries of managers, and also increase duties on imported goods that compete with domestic ones.
Tactics of the Communist Party
Today, the primary organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation operate in all regions and cities of Russia without exception. The network of local party organizations has been almost completely restored. City and district committees of the Communist Party exist in 1979 administrative units. Regional organizations of the party have been restored in all subjects of the federation, including all the republics within Russia. The vertical structure of the party is supported by horizontal structures, consisting of councils of secretaries of primary, district and city, as well as regional organizations.
During the period after the restoration of the party, its membership increased to 547,000 members of the Communist Party. There are more than 20,000 primary organizations in the party, including 7,500 territorial-production organizations, 14,869 territorial-based organizations, 421 territorial-professional organizations, and 1,470 mixed primary organizations.
The strategy and tactics of the party's actions were worked out at congresses and conferences, and were specified at the Plenums, meetings of the Presidium and the Secretariat of the Central Committee.
The main areas of activity were the organizational development and strengthening of the party, the formation of its new image in the mass consciousness, the strengthening of the influence of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in various social strata and groups of the population, the organization of a mass movement of workers for a change in the political and socio-economic course of the ruling regime, protection of the interests of working people, propaganda and agitation and mass work, creation and development of its own information base, participation in elections.
